Ancient Hellas: The Vatican Collections: The Papacy and Art

THE VATICAN COLLECTIONS THE PAPACY AND ART
OFFICIAL PUBLICATION AUTHORIZED BY THE VATICAN MUSEUMS

THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART, NEW YORK
HARRY N. ABRAMS, INC., PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK

THE EXHIBITION SCHEDULE IS AS FOLLOWS:

THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART, NEW YORK FEBRUARY 26-JUNE 12, 1983

THE ART INSTITUTE OF CHICAGO JULY 21-OCTOBER 16, 1983

THE FINE ARTS MUSEUMS OF SAN FRANCISCO NOVEMBER 19, 1983— FEBRUARY 19, 1984

THE EXHIBITION HAS BEEN ORGANIZED BY:

CARLO PIETRANGELI

DIRECTOR GENERAL
MONUMENTI MUSEI E GALLERIE PONTIFICIE

PHILIPPE de MONTEBELLO
DIRECTOR
THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART

OLGA RAGGIO

CHAIRMAN, DEPARTMENT OF EUROPEAN SCULPTURE AND DECORATIVE ARTS
THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART

MARGARET E. FRAZER

CURATOR, DEPARTMENT OF MEDIEVAL ART
THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART

The exhibition has been organized by The Metropolitan Museum of
Art, New York, and the Musei Vaticani, Vatican City State.

The exhibition's tour of the United States is sponsored by Philip
Morris Incorporated through a generous grant to The Metropolitan
Museum of Art.

Pan Am has been designated by The Metropolitan Museum of Art
as the official carrier of the exhibition for its transportation assistance.

An indemnity has been granted by the Federal Council on the Arts
and Humanities.

The installation of the exhibition at the Metropolitan Museum is
made possible, in part, by grants from Manufacturers Hanover
Corporation; Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith Inc.; and The
Robert Wood Johnson, Jr. Charitable Trust; at The Art Institute of
Chicago, by major funding from Continental Illinois National Bank
with additional support from the City of Chicago; and at The Fine
Arts Museums of San Francisco, by a generous grant from Standard
Oil Company of California and the Chevron Companies.

Front cover/jacket: Melozzo da Forli. Music-Making Angel (detail of
cat. no. 76 A). Pinacoteca

Frontispiece: Copy after a bronze attributed to the Greek sculptor
Leochares. The Apollo Belvedere (detail of cat. no. 20). Marble,
c. a.d. 130-40. Museo ^o-Clementino

Back cover/jacket: Melozzo da Forli. Music-Making Angel (detail of
cat. no. 76 B). Pinacoteca

Published by The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

Bradford D. Kelleher, Publisher

John P O'Neill, Editor in Chief

Ellen Shultz, Editor, assisted by Amy Horbar

with Kristen Reilly, Christian von Rosenvinge, and Carla Borea

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Main entry under title:
The Vatican collections.

A catalogue of an exhibition to be shown at the Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York, Feb. 26- June 12, 1983; the Art Insti-
tute of Chicago, July 21-Oct. 16, 1983; and the Fine Arts Mu-
seums of San Francisco, Nov. 19, 1983-Feb. 19, 1984.

Includes bibliographical references.

1. Art — Vatican City — Exhibitions. 2. Christian art and
symbolism — Vatican City — Exhibitions. 3. Vatican — Exhibitions.
I. Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, N.Y) II. Art Institute of
Chicago. III. Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco.
N6920.V28 1983 707'.4'013 82-14305

ISBN 0-87099-321-6
ISBN 0-87099-320-8 (pbk.)
ISBN 0-8109-1710-6 (Abrams)

CONTENTS

MESSAGE BY POPE JOHN PAUL II

FOREWORD

PHILIPPE de MONTEBELLO, JAMES N. WOOD, IAN McKIBBIN WHITE

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

PHILIPPE de MONTEBELLO, GEORGE WEISSMAN

MAP OF VATICAN CITY STATE

THE VATICAN MUSEUMS
14

OLD SAINT PETER'S
26

THE FABBRICA OF SAINT PETER'S

ENTRIES 1 THROUGH 12

THE APOSTOLIC PALACES

ENTRIES 13 THROUGH 19

THE BELVEDERE

ENTRIES 20 AND 21
57

THE TREASURY OF SAINT PETER'S

ENTRIES 22 THROUGH 25

NEW SAINT PETER'S AND BAROQUE ROME

ENTRIES 26 THROUGH 33

THE LIBRARY MUSEUMS

ENTRIES 34 THROUGH 53

MUSEO PIO-CLEMENTINO

ENTRIES 54 THROUGH 65

116

PINACOTECA

ENTRIES 66 THROUGH 93

130

MUSEO GREGORIANO EGIZIO

ENTRIES 94 THROUGH 98

175

MUSEO GREGORIANO ETRUSCO

ENTRIES 99 THROUGH 121

183

THE COLLECTIONS OF
GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES
IN THE 19th AND 20th CENTURIES

ENTRIES 122 THROUGH 133

200

MUSEO PIO CRISTIANO

ENTRIES 134 THROUGH 144

215

PONTIFICIO MUSEO MISSIONARIO-ETNOLOGICO

ENTRIES 145 THROUGH 159

226

COLLEZIONE D'ARTE RELIGIOSA MODERNA

ENTRIES 160 THROUGH 168

242

SAINT PETER AND HIS SUCCESSORS

252

CONTRIBUTORS TO THE CATALOGUE

255

PHOTOGRAPH CREDITS
256

POPE
JOHN PAUL II

HIS HOLINESS POPE JOHN PAUL II ANNOUNCED THE EXHIBITION "THE VATICAN
COLLECTIONS: THE PAPACY AND ART" ON APRIL 29, 1982, IN THE AULA DEL SINODO
IN THE VATICAN TO AN ASSEMBLED GROUP OF VATICAN OFFICIALS, AMERICAN
PRELATES, MUSEUM DIRECTORS, AND REPRESENTATIVES OF THE PRESS:

hrough your efforts to promote the patrimony of art that is preserved in
the Vatican, you are giving an eloquent testimony to your esteem for art
and for its role in helping to uplift the human spirit to the uncreated
source of all beauty.

In its constant concern not to neglect the spiritual dimension of
man's nature, and to urge the world to direct its gaze upwards to God — the Designer
and Creator of the universe — the Holy See welcomes your devoted collaboration with
the Vatican Museums as they strive to communicate to as many people as pos-
sible all the cultural benefits of that artistic heritage of which they are the custodian.

In particular, I am happy that our meeting today coincides with the official
announcement of the Vatican Exhibition in the United States entitled "The Vatican
Collections — The Papacy and Art." This unprecedented event, which was fostered
by Cardinal Cooke as a result of my own visit to the United States, immediately

found the ready and generous cooperation of so many distinguished persons

This important initiative, jointly organized by the Vatican Museums and The Metro-
politan Museum of Art of New York, in collaboration with The Art Institute of Chica-
go and The Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco, likewise received the enthusiastic
welcome of the Archdioceses of New York, Chicago, and San Francisco My spe-
cial gratitude goes to all the representatives of the museums involved and especially
to the directors thereof.

In accordance with the purpose of the exhibition itself, the works of art will
begin to relate the long and interesting relationship between the Papacy and art
throughout the centuries. Above all, these works of art will have a contribution to
make to the men and women of our day. They will speak of history, of the human
condition in its universal challenge, and of the endeavors of the human spirit to
attain the beauty to which it is attracted. And, yes! These works of art will speak of
God, because they speak of man created in the image and likeness of God; and in so
many ways they will turn our attention to God himself.

And thus the history of the Church repeats itself: her esteem for art and
culture is renewed at this moment and in this generation as in the past

FOREWORD

The 237 works of art (catalogued as 168 entries) selected for "The Vatican
Collections: The Papacy and Art" are a most extraordinary distillation and syn-
thesis of some of the highest moments of human artistic achievement. They will
provide the great majority of Americans who have never visited Rome with a
unique opportunity to see and to better understand some of the most admired
ancient and Renaissance masterpieces — such as the Apollo Belvedere, the Belvedere Torso, the
group of Marsyas and Athena after Myron, Raphael's tapestry The Miraculous Draught of Fishes,
Leonardo's Saint Jerome, and Caravaggio's Deposition. But above and beyond the presenta-
tion of these supremely important works, this exhibition has an entirely different dimension.
It is not a mere anthology of treasures culled from the Vatican Museums, but is instead a
thoughtful selection of works drawn from the entire range of artistic holdings within the
Vatican, including the basilica of Saint Peter's and its Treasury the Papal Apartments, and
the Apostolic Library. Ranging in date from Greek sculptures and vases of the fifth century
b.c. to contemporary works of art by Andre Derain and Henri Matisse, these objects reflect
the history of papal patronage and collecting and are thereby able to convey a broad cultural
and historical message.

Ever since the founding, about a.d. 320, of the church of Saint Peter's on the site of
the tomb of Saint Peter, popes have commissioned, preserved, and collected works of art. In
order to show the development and changing meaning of these activities throughout the
centuries, this exhibition has been divided into five sections. In the first one, some of the few
surviving remains from the decoration of Old Saint Peter's — such as three fine mosaics,
two frescoes of Saints Peter and Paul, and a series of reliefs from the fifteenth- century cibo-
rium of the high altar — kindle the visitor's imagination, providing a glimpse of the medieval
church that stood for twelve centuries on the site now occupied by the great Renaissance
basilica. In the second section, which covers papal patronage from the Late Gothic to the end
of the Baroque period, the works exhibited evoke the beauty of the papal palaces in the
Vatican, as well as the continuous concern of the popes for the preservation of Roman
antiquities and the decoration of Saint Peter's. The colorful murals of the palace interiors are
brought to mind by a group of thirteenth-to-fourteenth-century frescoes and by precious
Flemish tapestries of the early sixteenth century. One of Raphael's best-known tapestries,
The Miraculous Draught of Fishes, and two of the most splendid and admired sculptures from
the Vatican Belvedere — the Apollo Belvedere and the Belvedere Torso — present, in a dramatic
and unique juxtaposition, the harmonious and powerful vision that lies at the heart of High
Renaissance art.

A complete set of pontifical vestments and the monumental silver-gilt cross and can-
dlesticks commissioned in 1 582 for the main altar of Saint Peter's recall the solemn splendor
of the new church, and several rare works by Gian Lorenzo Bernini remind the visitor of the
role played by this artist, as well as by the great seventeenth-century popes Urban VIII and
Alexander VII, in fostering Baroque art.

With the dawn of the eighteenth century, the focus of papal patronage shifted from the
commissioning of great artistic ensembles to an emphasis on historical studies and system-
atic collecting. Two sections of the exhibition are devoted to this period.-The first conveys the
essence of the three eighteenth-century collections at the Vatican Museums: the Early Medie-

val reliquaries from the treasury of the Sancta Sanctorum and its precious Byzantine and
Romanesque ivories in the Museo Sacro, founded in 1756 by Benedict XIV; the antiq-
uities excavated in Rome during the course of the eighteenth century — including the Apollo
Musagetes and the Eros of Centocelle — in the Museo Pio-Clementino, created by Clement XIV
and the future Pius VI in 1770; and the important collection of paintings exhibited in the
Pinacoteca that includes rare panels by Sassetta, Gentile da Fabriano, and Fra Angelico, and
Raphael's beautiful predellas from his Coronation of the Virgin altarpiece and Baglioni Deposition.

Nineteenth-century archaeological inquiry is reflected in the creation of four mu-
seums under the pontificates of Gregory XVI ( 183 1-46) and Pius IX (1846-78). As antiqui-
ties continued to be excavated in Rome and in the papal states, they were collected in the
Museo Gregoriano Egizio, Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Museo Gregoriano Profano, and Museo
Pio Cristiano, all established toward the middle of the nineteenth century. It is from their
immense holdings that the fourth section of the exhibition presents, in chronological sequence,
a selection of significant works: a group of precious Greek and Etruscan vases, several Roman
portraits, rare Early Christian and Jewish inscriptions, all enhanced by such better-known
masterpieces as the Augustus of Prima Porta and the statue of "The Good Shepherd."

The popes' interest in art did not exhaust itself with the development of the archaeo-
logical museums in the nineteenth century. During the twentieth century — as illustrated in
the final section of this exhibition — papal patronage and collecting expanded in new directions.
Moving beyond the heritage of Western art, Pius XI founded the Pontificio Museo Missionario-
Etnologico in 1926 to "illustrate the efforts of all those who seek to increase the kingdom of
God on earth"; from it the exhibition has drawn several African works and examples of
the art of various peoples of Oceania and Pre-Columbian South America.

The last museum to be established in the Vatican is the Collezione d'Arte Religiosa
Moderna, created in 1 973 by Paul VI. A selection of its works by such artists as Georges Rouault,
Ben Shahn, Henri Matisse, and Giacomo Manzu closes the exhibition in a tribute to the
continuing concern of the Church for art that expresses the religious aspirations of mankind.

This brief outline of the structure of the exhibition reveals the extent of its educational
range and the significance of the artistic and historical issues it illuminates. No less important
are those instances in which the exhibition has brought new contributions to knowledge.
One example is the cleaning and removal of earlier restorations from the Apollo Belvedere.
Many paintings also have been cleaned, as have a group of terracotta sketch-models by
Bernini, adding to our knowledge and understanding of these works of art.

In conclusion, it should be emphasized that the value of this exhibition resides not
only in the supreme quality of the individual objects it presents, but also in the cultural
experience that it provides of the single longest and most influential collecting tradition in
the Western world.

Philippe de Montebello
Director, The Metropolitan Museum of Art

James N. Wood
Director, The Art Institute of Chicago

Ian McKibbin White
Director, The Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

His Holiness Pope John Paul II's mission to visit and to speak to all peoples of
the world inspired the creation and realization of this unprecedented exhibition.
In its many aspects, it reflects his will to understand and to foster man's spiritual
growth and aspirations to artistic greatness. I am immensely grateful to the
Holy See for the privilege of bringing these historic and beautiful works of
art to the United States in order to give our visitors joy in the appreciation of the creative
spirit in man's nature that transcends his worldly ambitions.

His Eminence Terence Cardinal Cooke, Archbishop of New York and a Trustee of The
Metropolitan Museum of Art, played a principal role in making the exhibition possible. He
viewed it as an instrument to extend the effect and meaning of His Holiness' s visit to the
United States, and Cardinal Cooke's continuous commitment and concern were central to
its realization. He was joined by His Eminence Agostino Cardinal Casaroli, Secretary of State
of the Vatican, in his receptiveness to the wishes of the Holy Father. Cardinal Casaroli patiently
and efficiently brought our plans for the exhibition to fruition. In this he was aided by His
Eminence Sergio Cardinal Guerri, Pro-President of the Pontifical Commission for the Vatican
City State, who guided our ideas and hopes until the exhibition became a reality. His successor,
His Excellency Archbishop Paul Marcinkus, who for years had envisioned such an impor-
tant enterprise, nurtured our exhibition with energy and understanding throughout the
exciting period of its formulation. His Excellency Marchese Don Giulio Sacchetti, Special
Delegate of the Pontifical Commission, consistentiy supported the exhibition's formation,
development, and realization. I thank them sincerely for their ready assistance and much-
needed cooperation.

Cardinal Cooke would also wish me to acknowledge the many advocates in the
United States who helped support the exhibition. The most prominent among these are his
aide Monsignor Eugene Clark and Lawrence K. Fleischman, Vice President of the Friends of
American Art in Religion.

To my colleague and friend Professor Carlo Pietrangeli, Director General of the Vati-
can Museums, I also give warm thanks. His wide knowledge of papal patronage and the
Vatican Collections, as well as of the broader history of artistic accomplishments throughout
the centuries, infused our exhibition with special meaning and taste. Dr. Walter Persegati,
Secretary and Treasurer of the Vatican Museums, was also indispensable to the exhibition's
creation. Ever alert to all facets of its organization, he oversaw each stage along the way
with dedication, sound judgment, and helpful tolerance.

I am sincerely indebted to the heads of the other art collections in the Vatican. His
Excellency Archbishop Lino Zanini, Delegate to the Fabbrica of Saint Peter's; the Reverend
Alfons Stickler, Prefect of the Apostolic Vatican Library; and Monsignor Giovanni Sessolo,
Camerlengo, and his predecessor Monsignor Antonio Masci, of the Capitolo of Saint Peter's,
were most cooperative in sending to the United States some of their most glorious and
historic treasures.

My gratitude extends as well to Dr. Olga Raggio, Chairman of the Metropolitan
Museum's Department of European Sculpture and Decorative Arts, who planned and car-
ried through the exhibition in all its aspects with her accustomed flair, using her broad
knowledge of Rome and the Vatican to devise the exhibition's theme: to reveal the works of

art through a history of the papacy's patronage of art. Dr. Margaret Frazer, Curator in the
Department of Medieval Art and the exhibition's coordinator, monitored the development
and growth of the exhibition with constant vigilance and energy from its inception to its
installation. Together with me, they continuously refined the selection and display of the
works to be exhibited. John P O'Neill, Editor in Chief, worked for more than two years with
Vatican and Metropolitan curators, editors (in particular, with Ellen Shultz) , and production
specialists to produce the exhibition catalogue. Metropolitan curators who greatly assisted
in this project include Dr. Dietrich von Bothmer, Chairman, Department of Greek and
Roman Art; Dr. Joan R. Mertens, Curator, Department of Greek and Roman Art; and
Katharine Baetjer, Curator, Department of European Paintings.

James Pilgrim, my Deputy Director, supervised with dedication and intelligence both
the exhibition's curatorial and administrative apparatus. Because of lack of space in these
pages, he must represent the many other people at the Metropolitan Museum who donated
their skills, time, and energy to ensure the quality and success of this undertaking.

The exhibition's magnitude and complexity were such that every service of the Vati-
can Museums was called upon to give of its time and dedication. I wish to acknowledge the
help and advice of the heads of the Vatican Museums: Dr. Georg Daltrop, Dr. Mario Ferrazza,
Dr. Fabrizio Mancinelli, Monsignor Gianfranco Nolli, the Reverend Jozef Penkowski, and Profes-
sor Francesco Roncalli. These individuals were essential to the formulation and outcome of the
exhibition, as were the members of the Conservation staff: Dr. Nazzareno Gabrielli; Professor
Gianluigi Colalucci; and Sig. Ulderico Grispigni, who expertly restored and prepared the
works of art for exhibition, and Patricia Bonicatti, who was invaluable in arranging innumera-
ble appointments, organizing photography, and coordinating many other activities. I also
wish to thank the professional staffs of the Fabbrica of Saint Peter's, especially Professor
Architect Giuseppe Zander and Dr. Architect Pier Luigi Silvan; Dr. Giovanni Morello of the
Apostolic Library, and Professor Agostino Paravicini-Bagliani; and Monsignor Ennio Francia
and Monsignor Salvatore Garofalo of the Capitolo of Saint Peter's who, with unfailing good
will and industry, granted access to information about their collections. I also wish to empha-
size the perceptive and enlightened cooperation given by the directors and staffs of the recipi-
ent museums, James N. Wood of The Art Institute of Chicago and Ian McKibbin White of
The Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco.

In conclusion, it is my privilege to acknowledge the contributors of financial support,
without whom the exhibition would not have been possible. They are first and foremost
Philip Morris Incorporated, the sponsor of the national tour; Pan Am, which provided trans-
portation assistance; and the Federal Council on the Arts and Humanities, which granted an
indemnity. We also wish to acknowledge grants toward local installation costs: in New York,
from Manufacturers Hanover Corporation, Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith Inc., and
The Robert Wood Johnson, Jr. Charitable Trust; in Chicago, from the Continental Illinois
National Bank, and the City of Chicago; and in San Francisco, from Standard Oil Company
of California and the Chevron Companies.

Philippe de Montebello
Director, The Metropolitan Museum of Art

For centuries great artists and craftsmen have looked to the Vatican as both one of
their benefactors and as a preserver of their works. Now it is with pride and satisfac-
tion that we help to bring a stunning selection of these works of art to the
United States.

As sponsor of the American tour of "The Vatican Collections: The Papacy and Art,"
we hope to make a significant contribution to the enjoyment of our cultural heritage. This is
in truth a landmark event. We are excited to be part of it as a manifestation of the growing
cooperation between business and our great cultural institutions.

George Weissman

Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Philip Morris Incorporated

MAP OF
VATICAN
CITY STATE

Saint Peter's Square

Saint Peter's Basilica

Bernini's Colonnade

Portone di Bronzo

Scala Regia

Scala Nobile

Logge

Apostolic Paiaces

Cortile di San Damaso

Bastion of Nicholas V

Cortile del Maresciallo

Cortile del Pappagallo
Cortile Borgia
Cortile della Sentinclla
Sistine Chapel
Borgia Tower
Borgia Apartment
Collezione d'Ane

Religiosa Modema
Raphael Stanze

(U Floor)
Cortile del Belvedere
Vatican Library
Sala Sistina
Vatican Library
Museo Saao
Galleria delle Cane
Gcografiche
(II Floor)
Corridor of Bramante
Galleria Lapidaria
Cortile della Biblioteca

24
25
26
27
28
29

31
32

Tower of the Winds
Braccio Nuovo
Museo Chiaramonti
Cortile della Pigna
Nicchione del Belvedere
Vatican Library
Museo Profano
Galleria degli Arazzi.
Galleria dei
Candelabri (II Floor)
Atrio dei Quattro

Cancelli
Scala Simonetti
Museo Gregoriano

Egizio
Museo Gregoriano
Etruseo (II Floor)
Museo Pio-Clementino
Conile Ottagono
Belvedere of

Innocent VIII
Scala del Bramante
Fontana della Galera
Entrance to the
Vatican Museums

39 Museo Gregoriano Profano
Museo Pio Cristiano
Pontifirio Museo

Missionario-Etnologico

40 Pinacoteca

41 Museo Storico

42 Casina of Pius IV

43 Fontana detl'Aquilone

44 Fontana del Sacramento

45 Porta Sant'Anna

46 Sant'Anna dei Palafrenieri

47 San Martino degli Svizzeri

48 Vatican Printing Press

49 Post Office

50 Tapestry Workshop

51 San Pellegrino

52 UOsservatore Romano

53 Vatican Gardens

54 Vatican Radio Station

55 Leonine Walls

56 Grotto of Lourdes

57 Tower of San Giovanni

58 Pontifical Ethiopian College

59 Railroad Station

60 Mosaic Workshop

61 Palazzo del Govematorato

62 Santo Stefano degli
Abissini

63 Palazzo del Tribunale

64 Palazzo di San Carlo

65 Ospizio di Santa Marta

66 Sacristy and Treasury
of Saint Peter's

67 Piazza dei Protomartiri
Romani

68 Audience Hall

THE

VATICAN

COLLECTIONS

THE PAPACY AND ART

THE

VATICAN
MUSEUMS

The only public collection of an-
tiquities that existed in Rome
until the sixteenth century was
that of the Capitoline museums,
whose origins may be traced
back to 1471, when Pope Sixtus
IV (1471-84) donated the Lateran bronzes
to the people of Rome. The birth of the Vati-
can Museums coincides with the ascent to
the papacy of Julius II (1503-13; see fig. 1).
However, this first Vatican collection was of a
somewhat different character — almost a
princely private collection.

In 1503, the new pope transferred to the
Vatican the statue of Apollo, which, until then,
he had kept in the garden of his cardinal's
residence at San Pietro in Vincoli. The sculpture was placed
in the Palazzetto of Innocent VIII, designed by Pollaiuolo on
the pleasant Belvedere hillside (fig. 2), a place of repose,
chosen by the popes, not far from the Vatican Palace. Hardly
any time had elapsed since Pinturicchio had decorated the
Vatican apartments of Alexander VI (1492-1503), and very
soon Michelangelo would fresco the ceiling of the Sistine
Chapel (1508-12) for the same Julius n while Raphael would
paint the walls of the Stanza della Segnatura (1509-11), the
pontiff's private library.

To better utilize the Palazzetto del Belvedere, Julius II
commissioned Bramante to connect it with the pope's
apartment — the so-called Stanze of Raphael — by means of a
walkway that would reach the upper floor of the Belvedere.
The walk, supported by a series of arches that compensated
for the uneven terrain, was to be level.

Included in this project was the creation of a garden
courtyard planted with orange trees and embellished with
fountains, next to Pollaiuolo's building. In the walls of the
courtyard were niches that would be filled with sculptures —

FIG. 1. RAPHAEL. POPE JULIUS II
(DETAIL). FRESCO. 1511-12.
STANZA D'ELIODORO

probably works already in the Vatican — such
as the Apollo Belvedere, thirteen gigantic mar-
ble masks that were set into the courtyard
walls, and a statue of a Roman lady, looking
like Venus, with Amor beside her, called the
Venus Felix. In 1506, the modest collection
was enriched by the Laocoon group (discovered
at the Baths of Trajan in January of that year) ,
and, soon after, by the statue of Hercules car-
rying the little Telephus — described as a por-
trait of Commodus, "the wicked and dirty
emperor," by Ulisse Aldrovandi.

Francesco Albertini, in 1510, spoke of
the marvels of ancient and modern Rome;
he recalled, first, "the Antiquario delle Statue,"
and noted that above a door to the courtyard
one read the Virgilian motto "Procul este, prophani" (Begone,
ye profane ones) , indicating that this Parnassus, or garden of
the Hesperides, was to be a place dedicated only to the
initiated: the men of letters, the thinkers, and the artists. In
fact, the works in the Belvedere were often copied by Raphael;
Michelangelo, and his friend Francisco de Hollanda (who
made splendid colored drawings after the antique statues in
the papal collections) ; Maarten van Heemskerck, who visit-
ed Rome from 1535 to 1536; Primaticcio, who had casts of
the sculptures made for Francis I; Baccio Bandinelli, who
ran an academy in Rome; and by many other artists. Be-
tween 1513 and 1516, Leonardo da Vinci was the guest of
Pope Leo X (1513-21).

In 1512, the orange grove in the center of the courtyard
was enhanced by the addition of two gigantic statues that
recently had been discovered in the Campus Martius: the
Tiber and the Nile. Also acquired at this time, from the Maffei
Collection, was the Sleeping Ariadne, then known as the
Cleopatra, which adorned a fountain in a comer of the court-
yard. Placed in the opposite corner, in a niche designed by

Michelangelo, was a statue of a river-god (with a restored
head) — called Tigris, or the Amo — that was also transformed
into a fountain.

The two noteworthy accessions under Clement VII
(1523-34) were the Venus ex balneo, a replica of Praxiteles'
Aphrodite of Knidos, and the torso of a colossal statue of
Hercules, which became famous as the Torso del Belvedere
and won the admiration of generations of artists, the first of
whom was Michelangelo.

The last sculpture to join the Antiquario was the Antinous,
a Praxitelean statue of Hermes that was found in a vineyard
near the Castel Sant'Angelo and acquired in 1543. With this
sculpture, the four corners of the courtyard and the center
niches in the walls were complete. The two gigantic river-
gods were placed in the center, among the orange trees.

In the mid-sixteenth century, the time of Julius III
(1550-55), the Antiquario underwent the first change.
Ariadne-Cleopatra was removed from her niche — and replaced
with a modern statue of a river-god — to decorate a grotto at
the end of the Corridor of Bramante in the library.

The successors of Julius III, Paul IV (1555-59) and Pius
IV (1560-65), dedicated themselves mostly to adorning with
ancient statues the Teatro del Belvedere and the "Casina"
built by Pirro Ligorio in the gardens.

During the pontificate of Pius V (1566-72) — who was
pope during the Counter- Reformation period — a new strict-
ness seemed to prevail at the Vatican. The statues in the
Antiquario came to be regarded as pagan "idols," whose
presence was inadmissible in the Papal Palace. It was feared
that, like the monuments of classical antiquity, they would
distract the pilgrims who visited Rome to venerate the tombs
of the martyrs. The pope decided to donate some of the stat-
ues from the Teatro del Belvedere and the Casina of Pius IV
to the people of Rome, to be preserved on the Campidoglio.
Other gifts were sent to Florence, to Grand Duke Cosimo I,
to the Cardinal of Augsburg, and to Archduke Maximilian
II. The pope even considered dismantling the entire collec-
tion of the Antiquario, but, when several cardinals pleaded
with him not to do so, he decided that the statues could
remain, but that they should always be kept hidden. In fact,
for some time the wall niches had been fitted with wooden
shutters to preserve the precious sculptures from inclement
weather (fig. 3).

The rigors of the Counter Reformation passed, but noth-
ing new entered the Vatican's small collection of antique
sculpture until the beginning of the eighteenth century, when
Clement XI (1700-1721), with the advice of the Veronese
antiquarian Francesco Bianchini, assembled an "Ecclesiastical

Museum" in the Belvedere, consisting primarily of carved
inscriptions and bas-reliefs collected as historical docu-
mentation.

The museum lasted only a short time, and was dispersed
even before the death of the pope, but its basic idea was
revived by the Vatican Library. In the Galleria Clementina —
formed in the time of Clement XII (1730-40)— a collec-
tion of coins (Cardinal Alessandro Albani's collection) and a
collection of Etruscan vases (Cardinal Filippo Antonio
Gualterio's collection) were exhibited alongside books and
manuscripts. The museum grew during the next pontificate,
that of Benedict XIV (1740-58), the erudite Bolognese and
devotee of art and culture. Several private collections subse-
quently were added to the so-called Vatican Museum: those
of Cardinal Gaspare Carpegna, which included furnishings
from the catacombs, porcelain vases, and paintings; of
Francesco Ficoroni; of Gori, a priest from Florence; of Saverio
Scilla, which contained a large number of pontifical coins;
and the gold glasses assembled by Senator Buonarroti and
Cardinal Flavio I Chigi.

With Francesco Vettori's donation, the pope decided to
create a new museum, the Museo Cristiano, to be located
at the end of the Gallery of Urban VIII. The installation was
completed in 1756. The purpose of the museum was to docu-
ment Christianity from its beginnings, and Vettori was named
director for life. The gallery was fitted out with beautiful cabi-
nets made of brierwood; its monumental entrance was de-
signed by Paolo Posi, and its ceiling was painted by Stefano
Pozzi.

Pope Clement XIII (1758-69) decided to transfer the
profane collection to an expressly designated location at the
end of the Galleria Clementina, to be called the Museo
Profano (fig. 4) . This museum would exhibit the numismatic
and the glyptic collections, as well as bronzes and ivories.
(Upon the suggestion of Cardinal-Librarian Alessandro Al-
bani, Johann Joachim Winckelmann was named director of
this new museum and Rome's Commissioner of Antiquities.)
The ceiling was also painted by Pozzi, and the handsome
cabinets of precious Brazilian wood ornamented with gilt-
bronze mounts, still seen today, were designed by Luigi
Valadier and added at the time of Pius VI (1775-99).

Until the pontificate of Clement XIV (1769-74), there
were two distinct collections of ancient art in the Vatican:
the Antiquario, in the Belvedere, which remained unchanged
from the mid- sixteenth century; and the "Vatican Museum"
proper, in the library, which was divided into sacred and pro-
fane sections.

In Rome, there were also the Museo Capitolino, and
the Pinacoteca attached to it, on the Campidoglio — the pres-
tigious seat of civic authority, but under the direct control of
the central government — the only public museums of paint-
ing and sculpture in the papal state. If a statue were excavated,
or a painting purchased, it was destined, automatically, for
the Capitolino, although the collection already was full, with
no room to expand.

Clement XIV concerned himself with the continual
outflow from Rome of antiquities, which were being sold by
private collectors with Italian and foreign dealers serving as

ffffffffffffffffffffffffffff

i II in ■

FIG. 3. NORTH FACADE OF THE BELVEDERE STATUE COURT,
SHOWING ONE OF THE NICHES FITTED WITH WOODEN SHUTTERS
(DETAIL). DRAWING. 1720-27. LONDON, THE BRITISH LIBRARY

middlemen. Rome had become, at that time, the main cen-
ter of the art market for antiquities, and attracted English,
German, and Russian collectors.

Clement XIV's treasurer, Giovanni Angelo Braschi, the
future Pius VI, advised the pope to acquire antiquities des-
tined to be sent abroad — the Barberini candelabra, the Meleager
by Skopas, and the Mattei Collection — and, in 1771, an
immediate need arose to create a new museum to house
these objects. The new museum was called the Clementino.
The Palazzetto del Belvedere, where the Antiquario delle Sta-
tue already was installed, was chosen as the site. Alessandro
Dori was the papal architect, commissioned to adapt the Bel-
vedere to its new function, while the direction of the work
fell to Giovanni Battista Visconti, Roman Commissioner of
Antiquities, who had succeeded Winckelmann in 1769. The
first spaces to be utilized were the loggia and the adjacent
ground-floor rooms, which were transformed into the Galleria

FIG. 4. UNKNOWN PAINTER. VIEW OF THE MUSEO PROFANO OF THE
VATICAN LIBRARY. FRESCO, c. 1780-81. APARTMENT OF
CARDINAL ZELADA (NOW THE MUSEO GREGORIANO ETRUSCO)

delle Statue, the Sala dei Busti, and the Sala degli Animali.
The small chapel of San Giovanni Battista, frescoed by An-
drea Mantegna — which was the chapel of the Palazzetto of
Innocent VIII — was still preserved at this stage. During the
course of this work, Dori died. He was succeeded by Michel-
angelo Simonetti, who continued to be occupied with the
museum for the rest of his life.

Once the transformation of the Palazzetto's ground floor
had been effected, attention was directed toward making bet-
ter use of the courtyard where the Antiquario had been; a
portico was constructed, thus permitting the removal of the
unaesthetic wooden shutters that protected the sculptures.
When work was completed at the end of 1773, an inscrip-
tion commemorating the founding of the new museum was
placed in the courtyard.

Contemporaneously, progress was being made at the
library. In 1772, in the Corridor of Bramante, Gaetano Marini
had initiated and organized the epigraphical collection, while,
next to the Museo Sacro, the Gabinetto dei Papiri was sump-
tuously redecorated. In 1771, funds had been made available
to repair the walls, and, the following year, the refurbishing
consisted of decorating the floor and walls with colored
marbles, and the ceiling with Anton Raphael Mengs's alle-
gorical painting (see figs. 5, 30) of the founding of the Museo
Clementino (1772-73).

With the ascension to the papal throne of Pius VI
(1775-99), former treasurer of Clement XIV, work on the
museum continued (see fig. 6). In 1776, the pope decided
to construct two new wings: on one side, lengthening the
Galleria delle Statue by linking it with the old Stanza del Torso
to create the Sala degli Animali, and building a new gallery,
later to be called the Gabinetto delle Maschere; on the other
side, creating a complex of very large galleries — the Sala
delle Muse, Sala Rotonda, and the Sala a Croce Greca —
which, by means of the grand staircase (now named after
Simonetti), would link the museum with the library (the
Museo Profano) . The planning and direction of the work by
Simonetti necessitated the demolition of the Mantegna chapel,
which met with no objections from contemporary scholars.

The new areas, inspired by the architecture of ancient
Rome, were ingeniously joined to the old, resulting in more
articulated spaces with varying perspectives. This was accom-
plished by using ancient materials (columns, capitals, paving
mosaics, and statues serving as telamones; see fig. 7). Statues
were placed on antique bases, or, if the bases were modern,
they were richly decorated; busts were set on marble shelves,
on two levels; and landscapes were painted on the walls be-
hind some of the most important statues.

The ceilings of the museum were decorated by Tommaso
Conca (Sala delle Muse), Domenico De Angelis (Gabinetto
delle Maschere), and Cristoforo Unterberger (Galleria delle
Statue, Sala dei Busti); the stuccowork was modeled by
Gaspare Sibilla, Giacinto Ferrari, and others; the decorative
marble sculptures were by Francesco Antonio Franzoni. These
new additions were well advanced in 1784 when the Scala
Simonetti was opened to the public. One of those responsible
for the museum, G. B. Visconti, died in September of that
year. His youngest son, Filippo Aurelio, succeeded him as

Commissioner of Antiquities, which included the direction
of the museum, while a brother, Ennio Quirino Visconti, was
named director of the Museo Capitolino in 1785, and, like
his father, continued to oversee the growth of the Vatican
Museum and to prepare the impressive seven- volume illus-
trated catalogue, in folio, completed in 1807.

In 1785, Simonetti began the arrangement of the Galleria
dei Candelabri on the second floor, above the Galleria
Clementina of the library; upon Simonetti's death in 1787,
the very young Giuseppe Camporese finished the construc-
tion of the Museo Pio- Clementino and designed the new
entrance, the Atrio dei Quattro Cancelli, and, above it, the
Sala della Biga (1786-87), whose decoration was not com-
pleted until the next year.

A three-room picture gallery, the Pinacoteca, was set up
in 1790 to display works gathered especially from the papal

FIG. 5. ANTON RAPHAEL MENGS. ENTRANCE TO THE
MUSEUM CLEMENTINUM (DETAIL). PREPARATORY DRAWING. 1772/73.
FERMO, BIBLIOTECA COMUNALE

palaces, in space that was created in the early eighteenth
century by covering over a terrace; it is now the Galleria
degli Arazzi.

Meanwhile, the collections continued to grow, as a re-
sult of excavations — at Castrum Novum (Torre Chiaruccia,
near Civitavecchia) , Otricoli, Palestrina, Tivoli, Ostia, "Roma
Vecchia" (the Villa dei Quintili), and the Lateran — and
acquisitions — the group of Muses and Philosophers from the
so-called Villa of Cassius, near Tivoli; Praxiteles' Apollo
Sauroktonos; the colossal Genius of Augustus; the Juno Sospita,
from Lanuvium; the Aphrodite by Doidalsas; the Diskobolos
of Myron; and the Mosaic of the Masks. By 1792, the mu-
seum already contained 1,445 items.

The final years of the pontificate of Pius VI were particu-
larly eventful; even the tiny papal states were involved in the
French Revolution, the rise of Napoleon, and the occupation

FIG. 6. BERNARDINO NOCCHI. ALLEGORY OF THE MUSEO
PIO-CLEMENTINO. OIL ON CANVAS, c. 1790.
ROME, MUSEO DI ROMA

of a large part of Europe by the armies of the new "Caesar."
The pope was obliged to subscribe to the harsh terms of the
Treaty of Tolentino (1797), which called for the ceding of a
selection of art masterpieces from the Vatican and from
throughout the papal states, as well as ancient manuscripts
from the library, to be chosen by a commission of experts
created by the Directorate and removed from the Vatican be-
tween April and June of 1797. After an eventful voyage by
land and sea across the rivers and canals of France, the works
of art reached Paris, where there was a spectacular procession,
in the manner of an ancient triumph (fig. 8). The Louvre,
renamed the Musee Napoleon, was the site chosen to exhibit
the Apollo Belvedere; the Laocoon; the Antinous; the Belvedere
Torso; the Ariadne; the statues of the Muses; the Zeus from
Otricoli; the Meleager; the Doidalsas Aphrodite; the Diskobolos;
the Amazon, from the Mattei Collection; the colossal statues
of the Tiber, the Nile, Ceres, and the Melpomene; as well as The
Martyrdom of Saint Peter by Guido Reni, The Martyrdom of
Saint Erasmus by Poussin, The Mass of Saint Gregory by An-

drea Sacchi, and Guercino's Saint Petronilla — all from the
Pinacoteca, except for the Guercino, which had been in the
Palazzo del Quirinale. Valuable coins and the precious gems
and cameos from the Museo Profano were pillaged and the
collection practically wiped out. Meanwhile, Pius VI, taken
prisoner at the Quirinale and sent to France, died in Valence
in 1799.

A new pope, Pius VII (1800-1823), was elected in
Venice the following year, and on July 3 triumphantly en-
tered Rome.

One of the first provisions regarding the arts, supported
by Cardinal- Secretary of State Consalvi, was the nomination,
for life, of the celebrated sculptor Antonio Canova as Inspec-
tor General of the Fine Arts for the Pontifical State (August
1802); Canova's prestigious name was favorably accepted
by all sides. Then came the Constitution of October 1, 1802,
drafted by the new Commissioner of Antiquities, Carlo Fea,
which prohibited the export from Rome of works of art, and
stated that private owners of art objects that were for sale
had to declare them at the Camerlengato. Finally, an annual
sum often thousand scudi was allotted for acquisitions. Thus,
private owners who, until then, because of the competition,
could dispose of their works of art at very good prices by
selling them to Roman and non- Roman art dealers, now
had only one buyer, the state, and, therefore, were forced to
accept prices advantageous to the Holy See. A consultative
commission of experts was set up to carry out the acquisitions.

Newly acquired works of art gradually filled in the gaps
left by Napoleon in the museums, but the Pinacoteca, ir-
reparably damaged, was closed and the remaining paintings
used to decorate the Vatican palaces.

The early years of the pontificate of Pius VH were marked
by good relations with the French. The pope even went to
Paris in 1804 for the coronation of Napoleon as emperor.

In 1805, work began on the new Museo Chiaramonti:
The Corridor of Bramante, some 318 meters long, was cleared
for the purpose. Half of it was used to establish a Galleria
Lapidaria by transferring to it the collection of inscriptions
that Marini had begun to organize at the other end of the
corridor. In turn, all the antiquities that were acquired follow-
ing the law of 1802 were arranged, in orderly fashion, along
the walls where the inscriptions had been.

In 1808, relations with France worsened and the pope
was deported to Savona. Although the French occupied Rome
from 1809 to 1814, men of the highest order administered
the city — from which it, in fact, benefited.

Canova remained as Director of the Imperial Museums
of the Vatican and the Campidoglio. At this time, the Galleria
dei Candelabri was lengthened to include the Pinacoteca of
Pius VI. The old gallery then became known as the Galleria
delle Miscellanee; the new one, as the Galleria dei Candelabri.

After the fall of Napoleon, the Congress of Vienna
(1814-15) ruled that works of art removed by the French
were to be returned. On August 28, 1815, Canova, nom-
inated Pontifical Plenipotentiary for the recovery of works of
art, arrived in Paris, where his mission was greatly obstructed
by the French. However, the assistance of the allied powers,
notably England, helped in regaining a majority of the art

removed from the Vatican and the Roman states. Despite all
this, Pius VII made a spontaneous gift of a number of works
to King Louis XVIII. The library, simultaneously, was reac-
quiring part of its plundered collections other than the coins
and gems, which, mostly, had been dispersed.

The works reached Rome in two phases: Those that
came by land arrived in January, and those that were shipped
by sea came in July and August of 1815.

Among other works, two colossal statues remained in
Paris — the Tiber, and the Melpomene from the courtyard of
the Palazzo della Cancelleria in Rome — as well as some por-
trait statues and decorative art.

On February 21, 1816, the pope visited the museum to
see the recovered paintings and sculpture. He ordered the
construction of a new wing to house recently acquired
antiquities, the installation of the new Pinacoteca in the
Borgia Apartment, and the lengthening of the Galleria dei
Candelabri as far as the Galleria delle Carte Geografiche. The
consultative commission was reestablished to oversee the ac-
quisition of such works as the Athena Giustiniani, the famous
fresco of The Aldobrandini Wedding, and a group of Egyptian
sculptures; the last, set up in the semicircular corridor be-
hind the Belvedere Niche (the Nicchione), became the nu-

cleus of the Museo Egizio.

The new wing, the Braccio Nuovo of the Museo
Chiaramonti, was begun in 1817, after designs by Raffaele
Stern, and completed in 1822 by the architect Pasquale Belli
after Stern's death.

This light-flooded gallery in the neoclassical style, about
seventy meters long and more than eight meters wide, was
decorated with mosaics and antique columns, and a barrel-
vaulted ceiling containing skylights. Statues were placed in
niches, and busts on brackets or column-shaped pedestals.
On the walls were a series of allegorical bas-reliefs by
Maximilien Laboureur. The Braccio Nuovo was inaugurated
by the pope on February 14, 1822.

The Museo Chiaramonti was ornamented from 1817
on — through the munificence of Canova — with a series of
lunettes painted by young artists (among whom was Fran-
cesco Hayez) illustrating the efforts of the pope toward fur-
thering the fine arts and culture.

Pius VII created the Pinacoteca, initially, with works al-
ready in the Vatican Palace that had been returned by France,
adding Titian's altarpiece (once at the Quirinale) from San
Niccolo dei Frari, near Venice; works drawn from the Capi-
toline museums; ancient frescoes; and, above all, paintings

FIG. 7. BENIGNE GAGNERAUX. PIUS VI ACCOMPANIES THE KING OF SWEDEN, GUSTAVUS III,
ON A VISIT TO THE MUSEO PIO-CLEMENTINO. OIL ON CANVAS. 1785. STOCKHOLM, ROYAL PALACE

■HI

belonging to churches and convents in the pontifical states
that had been retrieved from Paris and were held in the
Vatican. To the protests of the original owners, Consalvi
harshly replied that the works had been lost as a result of the
war and had been reconsigned by the allies to the pope so
that they could be exhibited to the public, and that the pope
could, therefore, dispose of them as he wished.

And so, added permanently to the Vatican collections
were paintings by Fra Angelico, works by Raphael and
Perugino that were previously in Perugia and Foligno,
Raphael's Transfiguration, Caravaggio's Deposition, The Com-
munion of Saint Jeromeby Domenichino, Andrea Sacchi's Saint
Romuald, and Barocci's Annunciation and Blessed Michelina.

The Pinacoteca, installed in the Borgia Apartment, re-
mained there only a few years, as the rooms were unsuitable.
In 1821, the paintings were transferred to the Sala della
Bologna, adjacent to the third-floor Logge di San Damaso.

Upon the death of Pius VII, Leo XII (1823-29) became
pope. Several important acquisitions during his pontificate
were arranged through the Camuccini brothers: the Caryatid,
which was restored by Thorvaldsen; the Demosthenes; the
Amazon, from Hadrian's Villa; reliefs from Trajan's Forum
that were formerly at the Villa Aldobrandini; and the Greek
Relief with a Horseman, from the Giustiniani family.

In 1824, the Vatican acquired the Marsyas by Myron, and
a group of portraits, found at Veii, of the Julio-Claudian family,
and purchased the Mosaics of the Athletes, from the Baths of
Caracalla. During this period, the group of sculptures found at
Tor Marancia, a bequest to the museum by Princess Marianna
of Savoy, Duchess of Chablis, also entered the Vatican. The
Pinacoteca was enriched by two important Umbrian works:
the altarpiece of The Coronation of the Virgin by Pinturicchio,
and Lo Spagna's Nativity — purchased from the Spineta Mon-
astery near Todi — as well as by the celebrated fresco by
Melozzo da Forli, Sixtus TV Nominates Platina Prefect of the
Vatican Library (transferred from the library).

Under this pontificate, three large rooms, once used by
Pius VI for the Pinacoteca and subsequently transformed by
Canova into the new Galleria dei Candelabri, were adapted
as galleries. The creation of a permanent place for the
Pinacoteca, and a new spectacular view from the Galleria
dei Candelabri to the chapel of Saint Pius V, would be com-
pleted under Pope Pius VIII (1829-30).

The pontificate of Gregory XVI (1831-46) marked a
period of great activity at the Vatican Museums. After Canova
died (1822), the office of Inspector General, to which he had
been reinstated in 1814 by Pius VII, was discontinued. The
museum operated under the direction of the sculptor Antonio
d'Este (1754-1837). In 1832, the sculptor Giuseppe Fabris
had been named associate— and eventual successor— to
d'Este. The idea of a sculptor as director of a museum of
ancient sculpture was so deeply rooted at the Vatican that
the practice endured— save for a brief hiatus— until 1920. In
fact, the director of the museum personally repaired sculp-
tures—generally, this meant complete restorations of the
works of art.

Pope Gregory XVI barely had completed the installation
of the Pinacoteca in the space readied by his predecessors

when that, too, proved unsuitable; five years later, it was
therefore necessary to transfer the paintings to the apartment
of Saint Pius V — four rooms, in addition to the chapel. Pur-
chases in this period included the predella by Francesco del
Cossa of The Miracles of Saint Vincent Ferrer and Titian's Portrait
of the Doge Nicold Marcello. The Galleria degli Arazzi moved
to the space vacated by the old Pinacoteca — where it remains.
It was now possible to display Raphael's precious "Scuola
Vecchia" tapestries. These had been stolen during the French
Revolution and then sold at a low price, but, fortunately,
they were recovered in 1812 and later restored.

About 1837, an important initiative was undertaken by
the library, that of assembling in the Museo Cristiano a collec-
tion of more than one hundred valuable Byzantine paintings
and "primitives" from churches and convents in the pontifical
state; these were hung in what became known as the Sala
degli Indirizzi. The following year, the library handsomely
displayed its own collection of ancient frescoes, the gem being
The Aldobrandini Wedding, in the adjacent Sala di Sansone.

Gregory XVI founded the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco
(fig. 9). It was installed in the apartment of the cardinal-
librarian, behind the Nicchione del Belvedere, on the ground
floor of the building erected by Pius IV in 1562 as the sum-
mer residence of the popes.

The establishment of the Etruscan museum coincided
with renewed interest in Etruria, occasioned by the excava-

FIG. 8. ACHILLE-JOSEPH-ETIENNE VALOIS. THE TRIUMPHAL

tions in progress and the studies of them that were under-
way at the newly formed Instituto di Corrispondenza
Archeologica and at the Pontifical Archaeological Academy.
An agreement had been signed, in 1834, with the Campanari
brothers of Toscanella, to undertake the excavations and to
divide the objects that were recovered. However, it became
necessary to prevent the continual exportation of excavated
works, which, despite the protective laws, were disappearing
from the pontifical state.

Perhaps the impetus for the creation of the museum was
the purchase, in 1835, of the Mars ofTodi, followed by the
acquisition, shortly thereafter, of the exceptionally rich mate-
rial from the Regolini-Galassi tomb at Cerveteri. After only
three months of preparation, the Etruscan museum was in-
augurated on February 2, 1837, by Gregory XVI. It contained
sculptures, bronzes, terracottas, goldsmiths' work, and Etrus-
can inscriptions; a group of Greek and Etruscan vases found
in the tombs; and, also, furnishings from the archaic necrop-
olises on the Albani hills — all assembled by type of object.
There were also an ideal reconstruction of an Etruscan tomb
and copies of tomb paintings from Tarquinia and Vulci.

Gregory XVI created the Museo Egizio at a time of height-
ened interest in Egyptian antiquities, encouraged also by the
recent discoveries of J. E Champollion. As already noted,
during the reign of Pius VII the Vatican had assembled a
small, specialized sampling of Egyptian art; this was increased

greatly after collecting all the Egyptian antiquities — in addi-
tion to imitations — in Rome that were public property or
that belonged to the state (for example, from the Musei
Capitolino, Borgiano, and Kircheriano, and from scattered
monuments). Four imposing galleries were put to use, a semi-
circular one and a series of small rooms on the floor below
the Museo Etrusco, decorated by Giuseppe Fabris in a style
inspired by the objects to be displayed. The new museum
was inaugurated in February 1839 (fig. 10).

This left unresolved the problem of the Graeco- Roman
antiquities, which were accumulating in different places in
the Vatican palaces. The pope, as a result, decided to found a
new museum — the Lateran — using the palace erected by
Domenico Fontana for Pope Sixtus V (1585-90), which, im-
properly cared for, was on the verge of collapse. Once restora-
tion was quickly completed, the museum was set up on two
floors. On the ground floor, fourteen rooms were adapted for
the Graeco-Roman antiquities, and three rooms on the floor
above were set aside for paintings. The Museo Profano
Lateranense and the Pinacoteca Lateranense were opened to
the public on March 16, 1844, with, among other works, the
Marsyas; the reliefs from Trajan's Forum; the Sophokles from
Terracina; the group of Julio- Claudian statues from Veii
and Cerveteri; the Braschi Antinous, acquired in 1844; and
the large Mosaics of the Athletes. The Pinacoteca received
some eighteenth-century copies after paintings that had been

ARRIVAL OF WORKS OF ART FROM THE VATICAN, IN PARIS IN 1798 (DETAIL). DRAWING. SEVRES, MUSEE NATIONAL DE CERAMIQUE

FIG. 9. VIEW OF THE MUSEO GREGORIAN ETRUSCO
IN 1838. LITHOGRAPH (FROM L ALBUM, 5, 1838-39)

reproduced in mosaic in Saint Peter's. Among the recently
acquired works were The Coronation of the Virgin by Filippo
Lippi; the Montelparo polyptych by rAlunno; The Annuncia-
tion by Cavalier d'Arpino; two paintings by Palmezzano; and
the Portrait of George TV by Thomas Lawrence, donated by the
British king to Pius VII.

The ascent of Pius IX ( 1846-78 ) to the papal throne ush-
ered in a period of great political upheaval: the riots of 1848;
the Roman Republic of 1849, when Pius had to leave the
papal states; and the capture of Rome by Italian troops in
1870, ending the temporal power of the popes. Several im-
portant archaeological discoveries enriched the Vatican Mu-
seum at this time: Lysippus' Apoxyomenos (found in Trastevere
in 1849), the Augustus of Prima Porta (discovered in the Villa
of Livia in 1863), and the huge bronze Hercules (found in
1866 near the Theater of Pompeius), called the Mastai after
Pius IX (Mastai-Ferretti). A special commission instituted in
1852 to further research on the catacombs produced notable
results. A series of sculptors alternating as director general of
the museum continued with Pietro Tenerani and Ignazio
Iacometti, while at the Museo Pio-Clementino the rooms
were renovated in keeping with current tastes and the walls
painted a deep Pompeian red as background for the sculptures.

In 1857, the Pinacoteca once again was installed in the
apartment of Gregory XIII in the third loggia of the Cortile di
San Damaso. In this period, Leonardo's Saint Jerome, a Fra
Angelico Madonna, the Camerino triptych by l'Alunno, and
Guercino's Saint Margherita were added to the collections.
Where the Pinacoteca had been, a Galleria dei Santi e Beati
was established, with mediocre contemporary works, the best
of which was the Gorkum Martyrs by Cesare Fracassini.

Pope Pius IX created a huge new museum at the Lateran,
the Pio Cristiano, which he inaugurated on November 9,
1854. It contained sarcophagi — in large part, from the
churches of Rome — and inscriptions from churches and from
the catacombs. The collection, the first of its kind in impor-
tance and scope, included copies of catacomb paintings and
two groups of medieval frescoes from San Nicola in Carcere

and Sant'Agnese fuori le Mura.

Under Pope Leo XIII (1878-1903), Carlo Ludovico
Visconti, an archaeologist, became the new director general;
he remained at his post for a decade, followed by the sculp-
tor Alberto Galli. Two special directors were nominated: the
archaeologist Orazio Marucchi, for the Musei Lateranensi
and Egizio; and Bartolomeo Nogara, an Etruscan scholar, for
the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco. For the Vatican exhibition
for the pope's Jubilee — held during this period — Sultan
Habdul Hamid donated the celebrated Cippus of Abercio
(Abercio was a bishop of Hierapolis in the second century
a.d.). The Falcioni Collection of Etruscan and Roman antiq-
uities was acquired for the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, and
the Greek stele of an athlete for the Museo Pio-Clementino.

Queen Maria Cristina de Borbon, Regent of Spain, do-
nated two precious Tournai tapestries, and Prince Rospigliosi,
the Rospigliosi polyptych by Bartolomeo di Tommaso, a rare
Quattrocento painting from Umbria. The library was enhanced
by the large collection of Cardinal Randi's papal coins.

During the pontificate of Saint Pius X (1903-14), the
collections of the Museo Sacro (in the Vatican Library) were
augmented, in 1906, by the precious medieval relics found in
the altar of the Sancta Sanctorum, the chapel of the medieval
Palazzo Lateranense. In 1909, the large Pinacoteca Vaticana
was founded in new, more suitable quarters on the ground
floor of the Corridor of Pius IV, under the gallery of the library.
The new Pinacoteca contained 277 paintings, of which fifty-
six were from the old Pinacoteca, nineteen from the Lateran
Pinacoteca (which was abolished), and 181 from the Biblioteca
Apostolica — the collection of "primitives." Thus, the three
groups of paintings in the pontifical palaces finally were united
in one location.

The first two volumes of the large catalogue of ancient
sculpture by Walther Amelung were published then, as well
as the first three volumes of the catalogue of coins by C.
Serafini.

During the time of Pope Benedict XV (1914-22), the
Museo Lateranense and the Museo Gregoriano Egizio under-
went renovation, and the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco was
reorganized under Bartolomeo Nogara, the new director gen-
eral (from 1920).

The next pope, Pius XI (1922-39), a scholar, had been
prefect of the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan. The signing
of a concordat with the Italian state during his pontificate (in
1929) created the state of Vatican City. For the benefit of vis-
itors, a new entrance to the museums was built on the Viale
Vaticano, and a modern Pinacoteca, to house the picture
gallery of Pius X, was constructed, both completed in 1932.

The latter, by the architect Luca Beltrami, its large rooms
well designed with overhead illumination, was further en-
riched by the so-called Scuola Vecchia tapestries by Raphael,
some precious fragments of frescoes by Melozzo da Forli from
the apse of the Santi Apostoli— until then stored in the Sac-
risty of Saint Peter's — and several gifts, including the Castellano
Collection, the highlight of which was Guido Reni's Fortuna
Gavotti. Among the more recent gifts was the important Portrait
of Clement IX by Carlo Maratta.

The new building also housed the offices of the director

general, the library, the photographic archives, and storage
space for paintings. In 1923, a paintings conservation studio
was established; in 1926, a workshop for restoring tapestries
and carpets; and, in 193 3, a laboratory for scientific research.

A rearrangement of the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, begun
in 1920, was inaugurated on February 19, 1925. Valuable
material from the necropolis at Vulci was included in the
collection donated a few years later by Marchese Benedetto
Guglielmi of Civitavecchia.

During 1925, a Jubilee year, the "Esposizione Mission-
aria" took place at the Vatican. When the exhibition closed,
rather than disperse the precious objects, Pius XI decided to
create the Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico. It was
established in the Palazzo Lateranense, in twenty-seven rooms
and four galleries — to which was added the celebrated Bor-
gia Collection from Velletri, formerly at the Sacra Congrega-
zione di Propaganda Fide.

Following a new division of directorial responsibilities,
three noted scholars were put in charge of the different
departments of the Vatican Museum: they were the archae-
ologist Filippo Magi (Classical art); Enrico Josi, also an
archaeologist (Early Christian art); and the art historian
Deoclecio Redig de Campos (who oversaw the paintings in
the Pinacoteca and the Vatican palaces).

A Roman, Pius XII (1939-58), became the next pope.
During World War II, the museums were closed from the
summer of 1943 until September 30, 1944. Part of the
museums' space was used to store Italian works of art that
were transferred to the Vatican from the war zones; part, as a
supply depot for the needy; and the remainder, as a dormi-
tory for the Guardia Palatina, who welcomed many Italians
and foreigners whom the war had endangered.

After the war, the galleries were restored and reopened.
In the Cortile delle Corazze, the reliefs from the Flavian pe-
riod that had been discovered in 1939 under the Palazzo della
Cancelleria, along with a frieze of the Julio -Claudian period
from the 'Altar of the Vicomagistri," were put on display.
After 1870, and the loss of jurisdiction over a vast territory of
archaeological value, the only acquisitions by the Vatican,
other than gifts or purchases, had been those excavated with-
in the area of the tiny state or its extraterritorial dependencies,
such as the Palazzo della Cancelleria. One of the above-
mentioned reliefs, which was discovered outside the confines
of the palace — and, thus, was not under Vatican jurisdiction —
was exhibited at the Museo Capitolino. A few years later, the
Italian state donated this relief to the Vatican.

The 1939 centenary celebration of the Museo Gregoriano
Egizio was marked by the publication of a special collection
of essays contributed by specialists from all over the world,
and by a notable accession — the Grassi Collection of small
objects of Egyptian and Islamic art. The Pinacoteca partici-
pated with loans to important exhibitions abroad, and hosted,
in the Vatican palaces, a memorable Fra Angelico exhibition.

The twenty-year reign of Pius XII was a very active pe-
riod for the museums. After the death of Bartolomeo Nogara
in 1954, Filippo Magi was acting director for the next seven
years. The reorganization of the ancient sculpture in storage
provided the opportunity to publish an excellent catalogue

FIG. 10. VIEW OF THE MUSEO GREGORIANO EGIZIO
IN 1839. LITHOGRAPH (FROM L ALBUM, 5, 1838-39)

by Guido von Kaschnitz-Weinberg, and allowed Hermine
Speier to identify the Head of a Horse — originally, from one of
the pediments of the Parthenon — that, until then, had been
ignored. By means of an exchange with the city of Rome,
the missing part of the Greek stele of an athlete was reinstated.
Under the direction of Dr. Magi, the sixteenth-century resto-
rations of the Laocoon were removed, and many scientific
catalogues and guidebooks were published.

Following a study by Luigi Pareti of the material from
the Regolini-Galassi tomb (in the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco),
it was reorganized, as was the gallery of bronzes and stone
urns. The collection of Italiote vases was rearranged in collab-
oration with A. D. Trendall, who also published them in a
catalogue. The layout of the new space allowed for the reor-
ganization of the Sala delle Terracotte, the Falcioni Collection,
and the Roman Antiquarium.

The tapestry collection acquired seven scenes from the
series of ten illustrating the life of Urban VIII woven in the
Barberini tapestry factory in the seventeenth century; the other
three were recovered later, in Paris and in Brussels.

Meanwhile, the museum prepared to welcome the masses
of people that, yearly, flocked to Rome in greater numbers.
During the 1950 Jubilee year, the Vatican Museums were
visited by more than one million people, sometimes as many
as 12,000 a day.

Next to the Pinacoteca, a department of contemporary
art was created in 1957 to house valuable works that the
pope received as gifts from Italian and non-Italian artists se-
lected according to a definite plan.

A highlight of the pontificate of John XXIII (1958-63)
was the decision to use the Palazzo Lateranense that, in medie-
val times, had been the papal residence once again for that
purpose, as well as for some of the offices of the Vicariate of
Rome. The three museums in the Lateran — the Gregoriano
Profano, Pio Cristiano, and Missionario-Etnologico — were
to be reunited in the Vatican. The Lateran museums were,
therefore, closed to the public in February 1963, and the col-
lections carefully put in storage; in the meantime, work start-

ed on the new wing in the Vatican. It was completed under
the next pontiff, Paul VI (1963-78) . His reign signaled a peri-
od of exceptional activity for the museums and a new open-
ness on the part of the Vatican toward contemporary art . The
three directors general then were Count Paolo dalla Torre di
Sanguinetto, followed by the acting director Professor Roncalli
diMontorio (Director of Etruscan and Italic Antiquities) and
by Dr. Redig de Campos, noted scholar of Renaissance art.

Reorganization of the Pinacoteca began in 1963, start-
ing with the "primitive" paintings and those of Fra Angelico.
The curator is Dr. Fabrizio Mancinelli, responsible for medie-
val and modern art in the Vatican Museums.

A new regulation, adopted in 1971, divided the Vatican
Museums into eight departments: Early Christian, Byzantine,
Medieval and Modern, Etruscan-Italic, Classical, Oriental,
Epigraphical, and Ethnological, with a director at the head
of each one. In keeping with tradition, a director general
appointed by the pope presides over the entire complex. Under
his jurisdiction are the scientific research laboratory, the con-
servation studio, and the auxiliary services: the library, pho-
tographic archives, and the catalogue office.

In the conservation studio, perhaps the most demand-
ing assignments of late have been the work on Michelangelo's
Pieta, damaged by a vandal on May 21, 1972; Pietro CavaHini's
Crucifix (at San Paolo fuori le Mura in Rome) ; and Raphael's
Transfiguration.

The ever-increasing number of visitors, between 1972
and 1975, necessitated the installation of a closed-circuit tele-
vision system. Visitors' services were reorganized and
expanded, and selected itineraries were devised that took into
consideration the diversified interests of the public. The new
organization was studied in detail by Dr. Walter Persegati,
Secretary and Treasurer of the Vatican Museums since 1971,
drawing upon the most advanced examples in the field.

A section of the Vatican gardens, adjacent to the
Pinacoteca, was chosen as the site of the new wing to house
the former Lateran museums. The architectural firm of
Vincenzo, Fausto, and Lucio Passarelli designed the new mod-
ern building. The architects' main concerns were that it fit in,
harmoniously, among the old Vatican palaces, and that the
works of art on display be presented in a well-lit and well-
thought-out format. The arrangement of the interior is daring,
and includes an avant-garde system of modular iron sup-
ports on which the sculptures rest. The completed building
measures about 70,000 square meters.

The Museo Pio Cristiano was reorganized by Professor
Enrico Josi, with the collaboration of Father Umberto M.
Fasola, from 1966 to 1970. It occupies the mezzanine of the
new building, on the balcony overlooking the Museo Gregori-
ano Profano, and contains sculpture, mosaics, and architec-
tural fragments, as well as a rich epigraphical collection.

The Museo Gregoriano Profano, which occupies ground-
floor space, was organized by Dr. Georg Daltrop, Director of
Classical Antiquities, and was inaugurated in 1970 (fig. 11).
On exhibition are 640 works, mostly from the Lateran, with
several important additions that include the Flavian reliefs
from the Palazzo della Cancelleria, the Chiaramonti Niobid,
and the Aurae of Pakstrina. Also exhibited are Roman copies

of Greek originals and Roman sculpture from the Late Re-
publican to the Late Imperial periods. Within these broad
subdivisions, arrangement is by type, subject, and provenance.
Two large galleries were set aside for the display of the floor
Mosaics of the Athletes. Other rooms were reserved for the
Laterano-Profano Lapidario, whose organization is a model
of its kind: The inscriptions, mounted on sliding, see-through
panels, were selected by Dr. Ivan Di Stefano Manzella.

The Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico, housed in
a partly subterranean space, with Father Jozef Penkowski
as curator, was opened in 1973. It consists of a main gal-
lery of about three thousand objects (about five percent of
the collection) — which is geared toward the general public,
and demonstrates the religious expression of twenty-five
non-European countries and cultures — and a second gallery
for scholars.

The Museo Gregoriano Etrusco received the Mario Asta-
rita Collection of Greek, Etruscan, and Italic vases, terracottas,
and bronzes, now displayed in a special room that was opened
in 1971. The collection also includes numerous fragments,
making possible useful exchanges with museums in Berlin
(Charlottenburg) and New York (the Metropolitan Museum).
The first three rooms of the Museo Gregoriano Egizio (di-
rected by Monsignor Gianfranco Nolli) also were rearranged.

In 1973, a new institution, the Museo Storico, was set
up in a large room below the Vatican gardens. There are
carriages and motor vehicles from the pontifical stables, arms
from the Renaissance, and paraphernalia from the dissolved
Army Corps (the Guardia Nobile, Guardia Palatina, and the
Gendarmi). The Collection of Modern Religious Art, also
formed under the pontificate of Paul VI, was inaugurated on
June 23, 1973. Offering a panorama of contemporary art,
"in relation to its capacity to express a religious feeling" (in
the words of Mario Ferrazza, curator of the Vatican's collec-
tion of contemporary art), the earlier collection was
augmented, significantly, by gifts from individuals, and as a
result of a special national committee organized after an ap-
peal to artists by the pope— in the Sistine Chapel, on May 7,
1964 — for a rapprochement between the Church and the
contemporary art world. The new collection was installed in
areas in the Borgia Tower and Apartment, in the adjacent
rooms, as well as in a series of spaces under the Sistine Chapel.
In all, some fifty-five rooms provide well- articulated and im-
pressive exhibition space.

The 542 works on exhibition (about half of the collection)
include paintings, sculpture, and graphic art, organized by
Monsignor Pasquale Macchi with the assistance of Professor
Dandolo Bellini, Dr. Mario Ferrazza, and Patrizia Pignatti.
After its founding, the museum sponsored numerous exhibi-
tions and seminars, some in collaboration with the associa-
tion known as Friends of American Art in Religion.

In 1977, the Bollettino dei Monumenti Musei e Gallerie
Pontificie was first published; it provides an annual summing-
up of new accessions, restorations, studies, and changes in
installations in the museums.

Under the current pope, John Paul II, elected after the
brief reign of John Paul I (1978) , the newly arranged first three
rooms of the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco opened in 1979, with

the reinstalled Regolini-Galassi tomb. In 1981, the base of the
Column of Antoninus Pius, previously in the Cortile della
Pigna, was restored and set up in the Cortile delle Corazze,
and the Museo Lapidario (formerly in the Palazzo Latera-
nense) was reinstalled in the Museo Gregoriano Profano.

In 1979, the Department of Medieval and Modern Art
organized a traveling exhibition based upon the restoration of
Raphael's Transfiguration that included photographic enlarge-
ments of the work in progress, made possible for the first
time through new techniques developed by the Polaroid
Corporation. The same year, a special exhibition by the Depart-
ment of Classical Antiquities focused on Athena and Many as.
In 1980, the Department of Nineteenth-Century and Contem-
porary Art presented two exhibitions: one, of recent acces-
sions of modern religious art; the other (organized in the
United States by the Friends of American Art in Religion), enti-
tled "A Mirror of Creation," consisted of American landscapes.

The Braccio di Carlo Magno, built by Gian Lorenzo Ber-
nini to the left of Saint Peter's Square, is used for temporary
exhibitions assembled by the Vatican. In 1981, to celebrate
the three-hundredth anniversary of the death of the sculptor,

an extremely successful exhibition was held there, in collabo-
ration with the Biblioteca Apostolica and the Reverenda
Fabbrica of Saint Peter's.

There are also small rotating exhibitions on various sub-
jects of current interest — such as newly restored works — in
specially equipped rooms near the Pinacoteca.

The cleaning of Michelangelo's frescoes in the Sistine
Chapel was begun in 1980 by the conservation studio, with
extraordinary results; the task will take about twelve years to
complete. Another recent project of enormous complexity has
been the restoration of those paintings and sculptures included
in the current Vatican exhibition in the United States — among
them, the Apollo Belvedere. Through loans from the Vatican
Museums, the Holy See, in recent years, has supported exhi-
bitions of high cultural value throughout the world. In this
context is the Vatican exhibition in America — one without
precedent — which underscores the noble efforts of the popes,
over the course of five centuries, in rescuing works of art
from neglect and in spreading art and culture by sharing the
collections of the Vatican Museums.

Carlo Pietrangeli

FIG. 11. INSTALLATION VIEW OF THE NEW WING OF THE MUSEO GREGORIANO PROFANO
BUILT BY VINCENZO, FAUSTO, AND LUCIO PASSARELLI

OLD
SAINT PETER'S

Saint Peter, to whom Christ gave the keys to his king-
dom, was crucified in the Circus of Nero on the
west bank of the Tiber River near the populous
quarter of Rome, now called Trastevere, where most
Jews and other Near Easterners lived. He was in-
terred in a simple burial immediately to the north
of the circus. Physical remains of the circus have been discov-
ered by archaeologists south of the present-day basilica of
Saint Peter's, abutting its eighteenth-century Sacristy. During
World War II, excavations beneath the basilica revealed an
extensive and handsome necropolis of mausoleums of the
second and third centuries a.d., belonging mostly to the pros-
perous middle-class families of freedmen. An inscription on
one of these mausoleums specifically refers to its being next
to the circus. In the middle of this necropolis, an open area
was found that contained a simple shrine on which were
inscriptions indicating that, from about a.d. 270, the site had
been venerated by the Christian community of Rome as the
burial place of Saint Peter.

In the early fourth century, when the Emperor Constan-
tine began to patronize the Christian Church, a great basilica
was erected over this site. The necropolis was partially demol-
ished in order to provide level ground for the church, and
what was left of it was filled in to support the foundations
and pavement of the new building. It appears that the con-
struction of the basilica occurred roughly between 320 and
330. The excavations of forty years ago revealed extensive
traces of the foundations of this building and something of
its rising walls, which, coupled with old drawings and ac-
counts of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, per-
mit a fairly accurate description of the basilica's appearance.

Old Saint Peter's was an extremely large building, mea-
suring about 208 x 355 feet (63 x 108 meters). It comprised
a nave and two aisles on each side, abutting, at the altar end,
a lateral transept, which, although narrow, extended side-
ways well beyond this main vessel (fig. 12). On the center

line of the nave and transept, a vaulted, semicircular apse
opened out, at the midpoint of whose chord rose a monu-
mental trophy structure placed directly above the site vener-
ated as that of Peter's burial. This structure was surmounted
by a baldacchino, supported by four twisted and carved col-
umns of Greek marble, which, along with two others, were
donated by the emperor. These elaborate columns served as
the inspiration for the great twisted columns designed by Gian
Lorenzo Bernini to enframe the pontifical altar of the Renais-
sance church; incorporated into the piers supporting the dome
of the present basilica, they survive to this day. When the
Constantinian basilica was completed, it achieved its major
impression through its size — the approximately 1 1 0-foot-high
wooden roof over the nave was equal to that of the much
later Gothic cathedral of Notre-Dame in Paris — rather than
through the elaborateness of its decoration. Envisaged at the
time of the basilica's construction, but erected only over a
longer period, was a forecourt, or atrium, which was as wide
and as long as the nave. Completed in the early sixth cen-
tury, the atrium was a large, open, paved area surrounded
on all four sides by columnar porticoes, preceded by a monu-
mental gatehouse and focused on an imposing central foun-
tain. Some of the fountain's decorative classical elements
survive today in the niche of the Cortile della Pigna of the
Vatican palaces.

The Vatican Basilica, as it was originally called, remained
essentially unaltered for about twelve hundred years. During
this period, however, it received innumerable artistic embel-
lishments in the form of rich liturgical furnishings, mosaics,
frescoes, statues, and decoratively carved tombs. As a result,
the basilica became the embodiment of important religious
sentiment, and a monument of historical documentation, as
well as a remarkable assemblage of Early Christian, medieval,
and Early Renaissance art.

Alfred Frazer

FIG. 12. INTERIOR OF OLD SAINT PETER'S. WATERCOLOR. EARLY 17th CENTURY. VATICAN LIBRARY

THE

FABBRICA

OF SAINT PETER'S

The Italian word fabbrica, derived from the Latin
fabrica, signifies the working place of a faber, or
artificer — an artisan who is a specialist yet not
necessarily an artist. In the Middle Ages, a broad
distinction arose between the homo faber, an
artisan of initiative and personality, and the
homo mechanicus, an ordinary manual craftsman. The work-
shop of the homo faber was considerably more important.
Gradually, a new sense of the word fabbrica developed in
Italy, in the context of the building of sacred edifices, espe-
cially the great cathedral churches and sanctuaries (fig. 14) .

In Tuscany, cathedral construction was coordinated within
the Opera del Duomo, or cathedral works, in the Central
European sense. Elsewhere in Italy, the terms fabbrica or, in
the case of Venice, procuratoria , prevailed.

Old Saint Peter's, built by the Emperor Constantine be-
tween a.d. 320 and 330 — following a tradition that has been
confirmed by modern archaeological research — by the time
of the Early Renaissance was filled to overflowing with a
collection of medieval altars and tombs that spanned a
millennium. By the fifteenth century, an obvious need exist-
ed for a general restoration of the basilica. To that end, Pope

Nicholas V (1447-55) consulted the eminent architect and
theorist Leon Battista Alberti, and, with great courage, decided
to build a new basilica to replace the old one. He ordered work
to begin according to plans by Alberti's follower Bernardo
Rossellino, but such difficulties as the Fall of Constantinople
(1453) and the pope's death did not permit the building to
progress very far during the fifteenth century.

Pope Julius II (1503-13) inaugurated Saint Peter's as
we know it today. It was built after the designs of Donato
Bramante, with successive additions by Antonio da Sangallo
the Younger and, of course, Michelangelo. A series of mea-
sures undertaken by Julius II favored the formation of the
body that would later be known as the Reverenda Fabbrica
di San Pietro (in Latin and in Italian commonly abbreviated
R.F.S.P.).

The basilica works set a lively example, proving its effi-
ciency as its dramatic achievements were continually un-
veiled to the Roman people and to foreign visitors. Such an
event as the completion of Michelangelo's cupola (finished
after his death by Giacomo della Porta and Domenico
Fontana) had far-reaching consequences; the solutions to tech-
nical problems that permitted raising the greatest dome in
Christendom were closely studied by theorists as well as by
architects. The actual building crafts as practiced at Saint Peter's
also were emulated elsewhere. Thus, in a seventeenth-century
contract for the facade of the Roman church of Sant' Andrea
della Valle, it was stipulated that the travertine was to be
worked with the same degree of perfection as on Bernini's
grand colonnade, which almost rings the piazza of Saint
Peter's. The basilica organization continued to develop and
flourish in the eighteenth century, overseeing the construc-
tion of Carlo Marchionni's monumental Sacristy (of 1776-84)
at the southern arm of the transept of Saint Peter's, and, to
be sure, the Vatican Museums, themselves.

Pope Clement VII (1523-34) had created a college of
sixty members, entrusted with the task of administering the
basilica's construction. Once the cupola had been completed,
Clement VIII (1592-1605) substituted for the college a con-
gregation of cardinals headed by the archpriest of the basilica
as prefect. Benedict XTV ( 1 740-58) strengthened its role with
the constitution "Quanta curarum" (of 1751). The congre-
gation's powers, diminished by Pius IX in 1863, were rein-
forced by Saint Pius X's (1903-14) apostolic constitution of
1908, "Sapienti Consilio," and, again, by Paul VI's apostolic
constitution of 1 967, "Regimini Ecclesiae Universae." Its stat-
utes provide for the R.F.S.P. to have a cardinal-president,
assisted by a prelate, with the title of delegate, who holds the
same office on the administrative committee. Whereas, in
times past, the Fabbrica had been in charge of building, today
it is more concerned with maintenance; it tends to avoid am-
bitious restoration projects. However, important works have
been completed in recent decades, such as the strengthening
of the windows in the drum of the cupola and the excava-
tion of the Vatican necropolis (fig. 13), both projects realized
in the reign of Pius XII (1939-58).

The Fabbrica gives constant service to the basilica and its
dependencies, under both routine and special circumstances,
through its corps of workers known as the "Sampietrini."

FIG. 13. {ABOVE): VIEW OF THE NECROPOLIS
UNDER THE BASILICA OF SAINT PETER'S

Today, there are about sixty, each gifted in one of the build-
ing arts: among them are carpenters, masons, carvers, painters,
cabinetmakers, electricians, and plumbers.

The sole organization within the Fabbrica of Saint Peter's
that can perform work other than that ordered by the basil-
ica or the Holy See is the Studio del Mosaico, whose opera-
tions are, perhaps, the most fascinating to the popular
imagination. It was gradually realized, in the course of the
sixteenth century, that mosaic decoration on the vast walls
of the basilica was more luminous and durable than paint-
ing in fresco. Many Mannerist and Baroque painters pro-
duced designs for the mosaicists working in Saint Peter's,
including Girolamo Muziano; Cesare Nebbia; Giovanni de'
Vecchi; Girolamo Sicciolante, called Sermoneta; Cavalier
d'Arpino; Francesco Vanni; Cristofano Roncalli, called Pom-
arancio; Pietro da Cortona; Andrea Sacchi; Giovanni Lan-
franco; Giovanni Francesco Romanelli; and Carlo Maratta.
The Studio del Mosaico was formally instituted by Benedict
XIII in 1727. Today, the basilica's mosaicists achieve more
accurate and more brilliant effects than ever before, through
the use of bits of opaque enamel instead of the traditional
stone or glass. The studio has at its disposal no fewer than
32,000 shades of enamel — capable of giving chromatic ef-
fects as subtle as those of any Impressionist painting — from
which its artisans can choose.

Giuseppe Zander

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Fumagalli, "Lo Studio del Mosaico Vaticano," in L'Osservatore
della Domenica, 46, 15 (3288), April 9, 1978.

FIG. 14. (RIGHT): ALTERNATIVE SUGGESTIONS CONCERNING
THE TECHNIQUE FOR REMOVING AND SETTING UP
THE VATICAN OBELISK. ENGRAVING (FROM DOMENICO
FONTANA, DEL MODO TENUTO NEL TRASPORTARE
L'OBELISCO VATICANO, ROME, 1589)

FRONT OF A SARCOPHAGUS WITH
THE "TRADITIO LEGIS," AND TWO
RELIEF SLABS WITH SIMILAR
ORNAMENTATION

Rome: front, c.a.d.3 70; relief slabs, c.a.d. 400
Marble, front: height, 29 Vie" (74.5 cm), width,
87" (221 cm); relief with The Confession of
Peter: height, 30 'Vis" (78.3 cm), width,
41 W (106 cm); relief with The Miracle of the
Spring and The Miracle of Healing: height,
30 Vie" (76.3 cm), width, 43 Vs" (109.5 cm)
Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro

Until 1981, these three reliefs were considered
part of a single sarcophagus. The presumed ends
originally had nothing to do with the front, but,
because they were appropriate in theme, they
were joined together about 1590. No traces of
chisel marks are visible on the backs of the two
smaller carvings. Since, in antiquity, the front
and ends always constituted a homogeneous
box, it is improbable that these two smaller pieces
belonged to the same sarcophagus. Where the
end pieces meet the front, the edges of all three
panels have been beveled to a forty- five degree
angle so that right angles are formed. This man-
ner of attaching the reliefs to create a sarcopha-
gus was not usual in ancient sculpture.

The front slab was broken into four pieces and
reassembled. One break begins behind the sec-
ond column in the upper left and extends to the
ankles of the seated Christ, in the center; the
background is broken vertically just to Christ's
right; a further break runs obliquely from the
feet of Christ through the figure of Peter and
ends at the top, near the second column from
the right. Along these breaks are many repairs,
some major. Further, the heads of Pilate and of

the apostle in the second niche from the left
have been restored, as have both of Christ's arms,
the right arm of Paul, the right hand of Pilate
and the basin below it, as well as tips of noses,
the front portion of the head of the lamb, Isaac's
right leg, and Abraham's left hand. Abraham's
sacrificial knife has been broken off.

The relief on the front is divided into seven
sections by eight columns, with a faceted archi-
trave in the form of a portico. The richly orna-
mented columns have decorated bases, shafts
encircled with grape vines or acanthus vines (the
two middle ones have winged genii, as well),
and Composite capitals. The architrave has bead-
ed moldings in the central and right-hand niches,
and there is a leaf cyma at the bottom. In the
three central niches, the giving of the nova lex
—the New Law — or the "traditio legis," is rep-
resented. A youthful Christ, seated in the center,
appears to be above the heavens. Christ gives
the open scroll in his left hand to Peter, who
receives it in his own draped hands. Christ's right
hand is raised as though he were speaking (both
arms undoubtedly are correctly restored). His
feet are resting on a veil that Caelus spreads
above himself. Christ turns to look at Paul, who
approaches from the right. In the niche on the
far left is the Sacrifice of Isaac (who kneels on
an altar) by Abraham (who holds a knife aloft
in his right hand), an allusion to the paradigm
of salvation by death. As a counterpart, on the
far right, the Roman Pilate is seated on a podium,
and a servant standing behind him is pouring
water over his hand from a jug. In front of Pilate,
separated by a column, stands Christ, turned
toward his judge. In the context of fourth-
century thought on salvation, Pilate evokes that
"felix culpa, quae talem ac tantum meruit
habere redemptorem" (from the Exsultet of the
Easter liturgy).

The axial symmetry of the composition is ap-
parent in the identical ornamentation of oppo-
site pairs of columns. Narrower and wider niches

alternate at the sides. In the central and end
niches, Christ, Abraham, and Pilate face front,
while, in the subsidiary niches, Peter and Paul
appear in profile. The figures in the foreground
seem almost three-dimensional, compared to the
accessory figures crowded in behind them. A
wealth of linear folds in the drapery makes for a
certain elegance of form. A classicizing accent is
unmistakable in the style, anticipating the Theo-
dosian period — as in the reliefs on the base of
the Obelisk of Theodosius in Istanbul (of 390).

Legitimized by having received the Law, Peter
occupies a central position in both of the small-
er reliefs. In The Confession of Peter — on the left
end — a narrow framing border was cut away
on the right side in order to connect the panel
to the front of the sarcophagus. Two rectangu-
lar holes near the top — made to hold the clamps
that secured the lid when the pieces were re-
used as a sarcophagus — have been repaired. The
right forearm of Peter has been restored; Christ's
restored right hand has again broken off. Peter
is shown receiving Christ's exhortation to build
the Church on the rock depicted, despite the
fact that it was Peter who disclaimed him — to
which the cock on the column refers. (The cap-
stone of the round building should be noted,
especially, as it bears the monogram of Christ. )

The upper border and the top of the cupola
of the right-hand structure in the relief on the
right end, showing The Miracle of the Spring
and The Miracle of Healing, have been cut away
(as confirmed by the measurements) . The head
of Christ has been repaired, as have the right
hand of the bleeding woman, the top of the olive
tree, and the two rectangular clamp holes near
the top. The head of Peter appears to have been
considerably reworked, to judge from the back-
ground surface. In this panel, Peter, as the lead-
er chosen by God, causes the living water to
spring from a stone.

All three reliefs were discovered beneath Saint
Peter's. In the drawings by C. Menestrier, there

is the notation "sub Sixto V" below the view
of the front (192 r.), and the date 1591 below
the relief of The Confession of Peter (193 r.),
although Sixtus V died on August 27, 1590.
Yet, Menestrier believed that the reliefs belonged
together. Antonio Bosio (1575-1629) saw the
sarcophagus at the entrance to the convent of
the Theatine monks at Sant' Andrea della Valle;
Paolo Aringhi (1600-1676) remembered it
in the Villa Pamphili (now the Villa Doria-
Pamphili); and it was seen in the courtyard of
Sant'Agnese in the Piazza Navona by Giovanni
Gaetano Bottari (1689-1775). Since the found-
ing of the Museo Pio Cristiano, in 1854, the
sarcophagus had been displayed in the Palazzo
Lateranense as number 174. At the suggestion
of Monsignor Ludwig Kaas (1881-1952), it was
returned to the grottoes below Saint Peter's, on
October 8, 1949.

The combination of the images as a parable
of salvation, conceived around the figure of Peter
and the spot where he was interred, suggests
that this was a sarcophagus for a pope. Possibly,
it held the body of Sixtus V for the brief time
that it lay in the chapel of Saint Andrew in Saint
Peter's, before being removed in 1591 to Santa
Maria Maggiore— or, perhaps, it was used for
one of Sixtus's three short-reigned successors .

The Menestrier drawings are in the Biblioteca
Apostolica Vaticana, lat. 10545, fols. 192/3.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Bosio, Romasotterranea, Rome, 1632,
pp. 85-87; P. Aringhi, Roma subterranea novissima, I, Rome,
1651, pp. 316-18; G. G. Bottari, Romasotterranea: Sculture
e pitture sagre estratte dai cimiteri di Roma, I, Rome, 1737,
pp. 131-37, pis. 33-34; F. W. Deichmann, G. Bovini, and
H. Brandenburg, Repertorium der christlich-antiken Sar-
kophage, I, Rom und Ostia, Wiesbaden, 1967, pp. 274-77,
no. 677, pi. 106 (with extensive bibliography); J. Enge-
mann, Gnomon, 41, 1969, p. 490; K. Wessel, "Der sieben-
nischige Saulensarkophag in den Grotten von St. Peter,"
in Pantheon, 27, 1969, pp. 120-28 (claiming this as a
new, early- 17th-century work based on a 4th-century orig-
inal); H. Brandenburg, in Romische Mitteilungen, 86, 1979,
pp. 464-65, pi. 149, 1.

2 A

TWO MOSAIC FRAGMENTS

Rome, 705-6

A. Pope John VII (705-7)

Height, 33 ll /, s " (85.5cm); width, 25Vs"
(64.5 cm)

B. The Bath of the Christ Child
Height, 23 Va " (60 cm); width, 21 V 4 "
(54 cm)

Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro

Pope John VII, of Greek ancestry, had a funer-
ary oratory built in the north aisle of Old Saint
Peter's, against the inner wall of the eastern
facade, and, on March 21, 706, he dedicated
the oratory to Holy Mary, the Mother of God
(Dedicatio Domus Huius S[an]c[t]ae D[e]i Genitricis
d[i]e XXI M[ensis] Mart[i] Indjictionis] 111). The
pope was buried in front of the altar of the ora-
tory in 707. During the Renaissance, the chapel
was referred to as Santa Maria ad Praesepio be-
cause it contained a relic of Christ's crib. When
the chapel was destroyed in the early seventeenth
century, sketches were made of about one-half
of its surviving mosaic decoration, some of which
was saved, including these two fragments. Both
come from the large mosaic that was placed over
the half-ciborium, above the altar, on the east

2 B

wall. There was an over-life -size central image,
perhaps Eastern in type, of the Virgin as Queen
of Heaven, raising her arms in prayer, to whom
John (on the left) — his square halo signifying
that he is living — offered a conventionally de-
picted model of his oratory. Rectangular panels
with scenes from the Infancy, Ministry, Passion,
and Resurrection of Christ framed this iconic
representation on three sides. The fragment of
The Bath of the Christ Child, from the lower-
right section of the Nativity, was directly over
the panel of the Virgin.

Above the altar was a mosaic of the Virgin
and the Christ Child, flanked by Saints Peter and
Paul, and on the oratory's north wall were scenes
from the lives of the princes of the apostles. The
mosaics on the south wall were destroyed before
the seventeenth century, but the Liber Pontificate
speaks of images of the reverend fathers — per-
haps, as Josef Wilpert suggests, busts of apostles
or early theologians, as in the frescoes, executed
during the reign of Pope John VII, at Santa
Maria Antiqua, the Greek church in the Roman
Forum.

The mosaic fragment of Pope John has been
extensively restored; only the upper part of the
head retains original marble and glass tesserae
in tones of white and beige, modeled in purples,
russet, and dark sienna. In better condition is the
fragment with The Bath of the Christ Child.
Set in a landscape, a turbaned nursemaid, per-
haps Salome, washes the Child, who stands in
a golden basin— resting on a tall pedestal— into

which a second servant, formerly on the left,
had poured water. Richly colored white, yellow,
pink, purple, green, red, blue, and gold marble
and glass cubes of different sizes are set deeply
and widely apart, into the white mortar bed, in
a technique that E J. Nordhagen suggests came
from Byzantium.

Precious materials were used throughout the
oratory. The lower walls were reveted in marble,
and supporting the ciborium were twisted col-
umns carved with vine scrolls imitating those
over the tomb of Saint Peter. The mosaic decora-
tion reflects John's devotion to the Mother of
God, and the chapel's funerary purpose. As the
Queen of Heaven, the Virgin, surrounded by
scenes of Christ's Incarnation and childhood,
intercedes for the donor. The large number of
panels illustrating the Ministry of Christ — and,
especially, that of Saint Peter, the first bishop of
Rome — as well as the images of the reverend
fathers, may have been chosen as exemplars for
John's papacy. Finally, Christ's death and resur-
rection were depicted to emphasize that, for man,
the way to salvation was through Christ.

M. E.F.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: E Muntz, "Notes sur les mosaiques
chretiennes de l'ltalie, IV. L'Oratoire de pape Jean VII," in
Revue Archiologique, 1877, pp. 145-62; P J. Nordhagen,
"The Mosaics of John VII (705-707 a.d.)," in Acta ad
Archaeologiam, 2, 1965, pp. 121-66; J. Wilpert and W M.
Schumacher, Die romischen Mosaiken der kirchlkhen
Bauten vom IV-X1II Jahrhundert, Freiburg and Vienna,
1976, pp. 167-74.

APPLIQUE RELIEFS OF CHRIST IN
MAJESTY, PETER, PAUL, AND THREE
UNIDENTIFIED APOSTLES

Limousin workshop active in Rome, shortly before
1215

Copper, with champleve enamel and gilding
Christ: height, 16 W (41 cm); apostles: height,

8 n / 16-10 V*" (22-26 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.

nos. 2430, 2428, 2429, 2431, 2432, 2433

(respectively)

Each applique relief is made from a single
sheet of copper worked in repousse, with the
addition of direct chiseling, engraving, chample-
ve enamel, and mercury gilding. The enamel-
ing is dark blue, light blue, turquoise, dark green,
glaucous green, dark red, and white. The eyes
are inset pearls of dark blue, presumably of glass.
Small cabochons also presumably of glass —
some of which are lost — are additional insets
that decorated the crown, book, and borders of
the garment of the largest figure, Christ. The three
preserved original cabochons are amber and
garnet-red in color. The orange cabochon in the
center of Christ's chest is a replacement. The
borders of the garments of all of the figures are
variously engraved with lozenge, circle, quatri-
lobe, vermicule' (rinceau), and crosshatched
decoration. Each figure has two holes, in the
chest and between the feet, for attachment to a
lost background; the rivets also are lost. Both
the enameled and the gilt surfaces have suffered
throughout from pitting and abrasion. The backs
of the three unidentified apostles are each incised
with a letter (F, G, and a reverse S), which may
represent guides for assembly within a larger
context.

Christ is seated, his right hand held out and
above his shoulder in a gesture of blessing; in
his left hand is a codex, formerly jeweled, fas-
tened with two straps. He wears a crown, an
orphrey, and a mantle draped over his left shoul-
der and across his lap. The apostles, although
standing, are each about half the size of Christ.
They also hold closed and decorated codices in
their left hands. Peter and one of the unidentified
apostles holds a codex with a veiled hand. The
apostles' right hands, unlike Christ's, are posi-

tioned within the contours of their bodies. Paul,
tentatively identified by his bald head and long
beard, uses both hands to grasp his codex. All
of the figures, including Christ, are barefooted
and bearded.

The style, especially apparent in the fall of
the looping lines of the drapery folds, seems to
be a codification of a classicistic trend evident
in a whole series of metalwork objects produced
by Mosan and Rhenish artists about 1200. A
prime example is the shrine of Saints Piatas and
Nicasius inTournai Cathedral, completed in 1205
by Nicholas of Verdun (Rhein undMaas, 1972,
K-5). Variations of this style may be seen in
certain roughly contemporary stone sculptures
in Emilia and Tuscany, as in Benedetto Ante-
lami's marble Deposition relief in Parma Cathe-
dral, dated 1178 (G. de Francovitch, 1952, fig.
194), and in the marble pulpit reliefs, dating to
about 1200, formerly in San Pietro Scheraggio
in Florence (T. P F. Hoving, 1961, pp. 116-26,
figs. 4-7). This classicistic style, transferred to
artists from the Limousin working in Italy, is
exemplified not only by the Vatican reliefs but
also by the large applique figure of the hermit
Saint Barontus (height, 21 V 2 " [54.5 cm]) from
the enameled sarcophagus of the saint in the
crypt of the church dedicated to him in Pistoia
(M.-M. Gauthier, 1972, pp. 287-88, fig. 9). This
figure, now in the Allen Memorial Art Museum
at Oberlin College, may be a product of the same
workshop that produced the Vatican reliefs.

The present reliefs probably come from the
large enameled and arcaded rectangular closing
panel that originally covered, yet gave access to,
the niche of the Confessio of Saint Peter in Saint
Peter's. This panel was made for Innocent III
(1 198-1216) on the occasion of the Twelfth Ec-
umenical Council of Lateran IV, in 1215. In a

hypothetical reconstruction of the panel proposed
by Marie-Madeleine Gauthier (1968), Christ in
Majesty appears in the center beneath a copper-
gilt arch or lunette (preserved in the Museo del
Palazzo Venezia in Rome). Twelve relief busts of
Old Testament prophets, identified by inscrip-
tions that also announce the coming of Christ,
appear on the lintel-like, horizontal member of
this arch. Twelve busts of apostles occupy the
arch, itself, while a centrally held disk bears
images, in relief, of the Lamb of God with the
four Evangelists' symbols. The background of
all of these relief figures is engraved with a
vermicule (rinceau) pattern. The reverses of the
arch and lintel are engraved with a series of seat-
ed bishops within an arcade. On the reverse of
the disk is an engraved enthroned bishop, proba-
bly Innocent III, himself, holding Peter's keys
— thereby specifically underscoring the apostol-
ic succession of the bishops of Rome, the direct
heirs of Peter.

The full-length reliefs of the apostles shown
here are the only remnants of the series of twelve,
which must have been arranged symmetrically,
in two registers, surrounding Christ (as suggest-
ed by Gauthier). Paul and Peter probably stood
next to Christ. The surmounting bronze grille,
still in its original location, bears in its inscrip-
tion the name of Innocent III, which, in turn,
provides a terminus ante quern, because Inno-
cent died in 1216.

The applique figures were removed to the Vati-
can Library during the papacy of Benedict XIV
(1740-58). They have been exhibited in the
Museo Sacro since the end of the nineteenth
century.

W.D.W.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. Stohlman, Gli Smalti del Museo Sacro
Vaticano (Catalogo del Museo Sacro delta Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana, II), Vatican City, 1939, pp. 33-34, nos. S22, S20,
S21, S23, S24, and 1416 (respectively); M.-M. Gauthier,
"La Cloture emaillee de la confession de Saint Pierre au
Vatican, lors du Concile de Latran, IV, 1215," in Synthro-
non, Recueil d' etudes par Andre Grabar et un groupe de ses
disciples, Paris, 1968, pp. 237-46, figs. 4, 5, 9; L. von
Matt, G. Daltrop, and A. Prandi, in Art Treasures of the
Vatican Library, New York, n.d., p. 181, nos. 138-140.

Comparative works cited: G. de Francovitch, Benedetto
Antelami, Florence, 1952, pi. 107, fig. 194; M.-M. Gauthier,
"L'art de l'email champleve en Italie a 1'epoque primitive
du gothique," in II Gotico a Pistoia, Rome, 1972, pp. 287-
88, fig. 9; T. PF. Hoving, "A Long-Lost Romanesque An-
nunciation," in The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin,
XX, 4, December 1961, pp. 116-26, figs. 4-7; Rhein
und Maas, Kunst und Kultur 800-1400, Cologne, 1972,
pp. 323-24, K-5.

TWO COSMATESQUE PANELS

Rome, 12th-early 13th century

Marble, serpentine, and porphyry, with borders

of red lacquer, black enamel, white marble, and

gold glass

Large panel: height, 34" (86.3 cm), width, 45"
(114.3 cm), depth, 5" (12.7cm); smallpanel:
height, 34" (86.3 cm), width, 18 3 A" (47.6 cm),
depth, 5" (12. 7 cm)

Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro

The panels are heavily restored, and parts of
the borders are missing.

Cosmati mosaic work is essentially a medie-
val art that originated in Rome — where Cosmati
pavements, cloisters, campanili, church furniture,
and tombs abound — but spread to other parts
of Italy and even beyond. It differs from tessel-
lated mosaics in that the designs are determined
by the shapes of the semiprecious stones that
are used: rectangular or circular pieces are sur-
rounded by small triangular or bullet- shaped
ones. In tessellated mosaics, the shapes of the
tesserae have no influence on the design. The
twelfth- and thirteenth-century families of crafts-
men who created this marble and mosaic work
have become famous as the Cosmati, probably
after Cosma and his four sons — the last family
to work in the style — although not all scholars
think that the Cosmati can be differentiated
from the Laurentians. The latter and the Vas-

salletti were the most celebrated families of
Cosmati craftsmen. All were master decorators,
but many were also builders.

The two panels consist of large rectangles of
porphyry and serpentine, each surrounded by a
narrow border of triangular pieces and set into
a wide, molded, marble border, which is sur-
rounded, in turn, by broad borders consisting
of small pieces of red lacquer, black enamel,
white marble, and gold glass. The most salient
features of the borders' designs are eight-petaled
rosettes and eight-pointed floral motifs. The
borders of the two panels differ.

One aspect of the twelfth-century Renaissance
in Rome clearly is exemplified by these panels:
the use of such antique materials as serpentine —
known as "verde antico" — and porphyry, cut
into pieces and placed in a new context. Be-
cause of their probable total dimensions and their
overall design, the panels seem most apt to have
come from two choir screens; they are similar
to the choir screen of San Cesareo in Rome.

The only information concerning the history
of either panel is an old photograph showing
the larger panel set into the wall of a seven-
teenth-century chapel in the Grotte. The panel
was surmounted by a statue of the Virgin and
Child in a niche, flanked by marble panels with
cherubs and by small panels similar in type to
the large panel.

K. R. B.

FOUR COLONNETTES, DECORATED
WITH COSMATI MOSAIC WORK

Rome, 12th-early 13th century

White marble, blue and black enamel, red
lacquer, and gold glass

A-C: overall height, 40V 4 " (103.5 cm),
height of base slabs, V/s" (2.9 cm), depth,
4 l / 2 " (11.4 cm); D.: height, 40 'A " (102.9
cm), height of base slab, 3 " (7. 6 cm),
depth, 4 W (11.4 cm)

Reverenda fabbrica di San Pietro

The marble inlays in the shafts of the colon-
nettes are heavily restored. The fact that three of
the colonnettes have twisted shafts and the fourth
is fluted may indicate that, originally, they were
not designated for the same monument. How-
ever, the shafts of all four are similarly decorated
with tiny triangular pieces of blue and black
enamel, red lacquer, white marble, and antique
gold glass. Two of the twisted colonnettes are
crowned with capitals composed of two pairs
of eagles with wings displayed, while the capi-
tal of the third consists of stylized acanthus leaves.
The capital of the fluted colonnette is similar to,
but not exactly the same as, the latter.

These colonnettes, products of the twelfth-
century Renaissance in Rome, copy and reinter-
pret Roman and Late Antique forms, while the
eagles with wings displayed betray a familiarity
with the contemporary Byzantine art that flour-
ished south of Rome.

We know from Giacomo Grimaldi's descrip-
tion in Instrumenta Antiqua of 1619 that the two
colonnettes with eagle capitals came from the
aedicula of the tomb of Urban VI, who died in
1389. Grimaldi's drawing of the sarcophagus
(showing its lid, and the bust of Nicholas III)
on folio 116 r. would seem to support his
statement, since the front of the sarcophagus is
decorated with escutcheons bearing eagles with
wings displayed. The accuracy of Grimaldi's de-
scription and drawing is confirmed by Tiberio
Alfarano, who apparently saw the tomb still in
its original place just prior to 1588. We do not
know yet how these four colonnettes were used
before the two were incorporated into the tomb
of Urban VI, although various proposals have
been advanced. In 1606, under the direction of

Pope Paul V, the two colonnettes with eagle
capitals, together with the two present ones, were
incorporated into an episcopal throne in the
Grotte. In the center of the throne was the fa-
mous marble statue of the seated Saint Peter,
which, according to Gustave Clausse, had been
brought from the exterior of the main entrance
of the basilica. The statue was flanked by two
angels, considered by some to be late works of
Arnolfo di Cambio. The three statues between
these four colonnettes were placed on a high
platform of Cosmati work, supported by crouch-
ing lions. Above the colonnettes was a seven-
teenth-century marble frieze decorated with
cherubs, surmounted by a Gothic Cosmati-work
canopy. According to Clausse, the throne was lo-
cated in the chapel of Santa Maria ad Porticum

at the southern extremity of the Grotte. Today,
the colonnettes support a restored mosaic show-
ing Christ between Saints Peter and Paul, but,
as late as 1935, the mosaic was described as
being within a tabernacle. Thus, the Cosmatesque
canopy of the seventeenth-century throne still
may have been associated with the colonnettes
as recently as 1935.

K. R. B.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Clausse, Les Marbriers romains et le
mobilier presbytiral, Paris, 1897, pp. 332-34; A. L.
Frothingham, The Monuments of Christian Rome, New
York, 1908, pp. 143, 249-50; G. Cascioli, Guida illustrata
alle Sacre Grotte Vaticane, Rome, 1925; P. Laurentius
Dionysius, Sacrarum Cryptarum Vaticanae Basilicae Monu-
menta, Rome, 1928; G. B. Ladner, Die Papstbildnisse des
Altertums und des Mittelalters, II, Vatican City, 1970, pp.
209-11.

TWO FRESCO FRAGMENTS

Rome, second half of the 13th century

A. Saint Peter

Height, 15 Vs " (39 cm); width, 10 % " (2 7. 6 cm)

B. Saint Paul

Height, 15 " (38 cm); width, 10 % " (2 7 cm)
Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro

These vivid, painted fragments come from a
thirteenth-century fresco cycle illustrating the
life of Saint Peter that decorated the portico of
Old Saint Peter's. From sketches by Giacomo
Grimaldi of the few frescoes that survived from
this cycle, made shortly before the portico's de-
struction in the early seventeenth century, it
seems certain that these fragments came from
the scene that depicted the episode in which
the two apostles to the Romans appeared to the
sleeping Emperor Constantine, who, according
to legend, was afflicted with leprosy. They in-
structed him to seek a cure from Pope Silvester I
(314-35).

The fragments show only the busts of what
were, originally, half-length figures of the apos-
tles standing behind the emperor's bed. The scene
takes place before a partially arcuated portico
adjoining an apsed structure seen in cross sec-
tion behind the emperor's head; a small por-
tion of a yellow pier from this structure is visi-
ble behind Saint Paul's right shoulder in the
fresco fragment. The background is a deep
turquoise. The figures are modeled in shades of
ocher, olive green, and red, with a deep russet
outlining their facial features, the characteristics
of which had been established in Early Chris-
tian times. White is used to highlight Peter's face
and for the traditional color of his hair and short
beard. The artist exhibits a free and sure hand
in his painting, employing broad strokes to form
the major folds of the apostles' draperies and a
finer brush for the heads, which he outlined with
a stylus. Since the frescoes were to be seen from
some fifty feet below, the top two-thirds of the
saints' heads and haloes were raised in relief, to
give them extra prominence.

No contemporary documents survive that re-
cord tne commissioning of these frescoes or the

6 A

name of the artist. On the basis of comparisons
with Roman painting of the second half of the
thirteenth century, and of references to the cycle
by Vasari and by later historians of Rome,
however, Antonio Munoz suggests that the fres-
coes were painted during the pontificate of Urban
IV (1261-64). Irene Hueck proposes that the
artist went to Assisi in the early 1270s to paint a
series of apostles in the upper church of San
Francesco, at the gallery level of the north
transept's east wall. The close stylistic relation-
ship between the Roman and Assisi frescoes is
patent, but the latter seem to be the work of a
different, though allied, artist, whose figures are
more sophisticated and exhibit a more highly
developed sense of realistic modeling and a gran-
deur achieved through the use of an expressive
line. Hans Belting accepts Hueck's attribution
of the Roman and Assisi works to the same
master, but dates the Old Saint Peter's frescoes
to 1279-80.

The stylistic influence of the life of Saint Peter
cycle from the portico of Old Saint Peter's can-

6 B

not be assessed properly, due to the small amount
of surviving contemporary work. The fresco
program, however, seems to have had a consid-
erable effect, particularly on the early-fourteenth-
century frescoes of scenes from the life of Saint
Peter at San Piero a Grado, near Pisa — as
R D'Achiardi has shown.

M. E.F.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: E D'Achiardi, "Gli affreschi di S. Piero
a Grado presso Pisa e quelli gia esistenti nel portico della
basilica Vaticana," in Atti del Congresso Internazionale di
Scienze Storiche, VII, Rome, 1905, pp. 193-285; A. Munoz,
"Le pitture del portico della vecchia basilica vaticana e la
loro datazione," in Nuovo bullettino di archeologia cristiana,
XIX, 1913, pp. 175-80; S. Waetzoldt, Die Kopien des 17.
Jahrhunderts nach Mosaiken und Wandmalerei in Rom,
Vienna-Munich, 1964, pp. 66-67; I. Hueck, "Der Maler
der Apostelszenen im Atrium von Alt-St. Peter," in
Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Instituts in Florenz, 14,
1969, pp. 115-44; H. Belting, Die Oberkirche von San
Francesco in Assisi: Ihre Dekoration als Aufgabe und die
Genese einer neuen Wandmalerei, Berlin, 1977, pp. 51,
90-95, reviewed by I. Hueck, in Zeitschrift fur Kunst-
geschichte, 41, 1978, pp. 326-34 (esp. p. 331).

GIOTTO (12677-1337), attributed to
BUST OF AN ANGEL

Italy (Tuscany), c. 1310
Mosaic

Diameter, 23 l Vi 6 " (60. 5 cm)
Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro

In 1610, a mosaic bust of an angel in a medal-
lion was given to the church of San Pietro Ispano
in Boville Ernica, near Frosinone. An accom-
panying inscription noted that it had been part of
the Naviculae S. Pietri (the nave of Saint Peter's) ,
and was painted by Iottus [sic] for the atrium of
the old Vatican basilica. A similar bust, discov-
ered in 1911 underneath an eighteenth-century
copy, also was assumed to have belonged to the
mosaic known as the Navicella. This gigantic mo-
saic was located above the entrance to the atri-
um of the old Constantinian basilica but is now
inside the portico of Saint Peter's.

It is documented that Giotto was invited to
Rome by Pope Boniface VIII (1295-1303) for
the celebration of the jubilee that the pope had
organized in 1300 and that he painted several
frescoes at San Giovanni in Laterano. The only
extant fragment of these frescoes shows the pope
at the moment of the proclamation, very much
in the style and attitude of Arnolfo di Cambio's
portrait bust (cat. no. 8). The fact that Giotto
was in Rome about 1300 led some scholars
to assume that the design for the Navicella cor-
responded to that time. Recent research, however,
has brought to light a 1313 document confirming
that Giotto had spent time in Rome after that
date. The style of the Navicella, in spite of its
present condition (the product of extensive res-
toration in the seventeenth century), and some
drawings made shortly before this disfiguration,
indicate that the painter had acquired a maturi-
ty that only could be the result of his work at
the Cappella degli Scrovegni in Padua, completed
about 1309. Based on this fact, and on the 1313
document, a date of about 1310 is very probable
for the Navicella, since, by then, Giotto had
finished his work in Padua, and he was back in
Florence in 1311. Boniface VIII had died in 1303,
and in 1309 the Holy See had been moved to
Avignon, where it remained until 1377. Conse-
quently, the large mosaic could not have been a
papal commission, but, rather, was the idea of
Cardinal Stefaneschi, who was canon of Saint
Peter's and its keeper in the absence of the popes.

On close examination, there are conspicuous
differences between the Boville Ernica and Vati-
can angels. The former is very well preserved,
while the latter has suffered considerable losses
all over, but mostly on the upper-left part of the
head and nimbus, and has been heavily restored.
Though the overall design of both is very close,
the features of the Boville Ernica angel are more
delicate, the light softer, and few shadows dis-
turb the glowing colors. In the Vatican angel we
can see a much stronger contrast of light and
shadow that, in part, is the reason for a certain
hardness of the features. Cesare Gnudi explains
these differences between the two angels by the
possible location of both medallions in relation
to the Navicella. They could have been on its

frame, together with several others that have
never been found, or on either end of an inscrip-
tion beneath. In either case, the Vatican angel
would have been on the right, only partly
illuminated, and the Boville Ernica one on the
left, receiving light from some source to the upper
right of the main composition. The discrepancies,
however, are strong enough to suggest that dif-
ferent hands worked on what is believed to be
Giotto's design. It is very unlikely that the painter,
himself, participated in the mosaic, as he was

not skilled in this type of craftsmanship, and it
is just as unlikely that, at the peak of his career,
he would have been interested in experiment-
ing in a new medium, regardless of how much
he admired the mosaics that he saw in Rome.

C. G-M.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: R. Salvini, Giotto, Milan, 1952, 1962;
C. Gnudi, Giotto, Milan, 1959, pp. 175-80, fig. 145c; M.
Calvesi, Treasures of the Vatican, Switzerland, 1962, pp.
30-40, colorplate; E. Baccheschi, The Complete Paintings
of Giotto, New York, 1966, pp. 110, no. 112, ill.

ARNOLFO DI CAMBIO (c. 1245-c. 1310)
PORTRAIT BUST OF POPE BONIFACE
VIII (1295-1303)

Italy (Tuscany), c. 1296
Marble

Height, 47 V 4 " (120cm); width, 37 W (95 cm);

depth, 13 V 4 " (35 cm)
Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro

After the abdication of the ascetic Celestine V
(1294), Boniface VIII became pope in 1295. He
implemented his desire to glorify the Church
and its pontiff by patronizing the best artists
available. Arnolfo di Cambio, who had been one
of Nicola Pisano's assistants in Tuscany, but
who had a mind and a style of his own, was
in Rome at that time. Among other works,
Boniface commissioned Arnolfo — both as an ar-
chitect and as a sculptor — to build a monument
in honor of Saint Boniface IV, in which he want-
ed to have his own sepulcher. The work was
dedicated in 1296, although it might not have

been finished until 1300,the year of the Jubilee.

At the beginning of the sixteenth century,
Julius II accomplished what other popes before
him had attempted: the demolition of the
Constantinian basilica, and its replacement, on
the site, by the basilica of Saint Peter's as it is
today. One of the many victims of that destruc-
tion was the shrine of Saint Boniface IV, of which
the sepulcher of Boniface VIII, two angels, and
several architectonic fragments have been pre-
served. There is no evidence, other than tradition,
to indicate where the bust of Boniface was placed
in relation to the shrine. It is not certain whether
Arnolfo's work was only a monument, with
the tomb under a baldacchino, or if it was a
chapel. If the latter were so, the bust could have
been attached to the chapel wall, and the pope
would have been represented in life and after
death, within the same space. Though the
similarities between both representations are
obvious, Arnolfo conveyed to the living image
a portrait-like quality that is particularly notice-
able in the asymmetry of the features, which
lack the serenity and sublime expression of those
of the dead effigy. The bust represents Boniface
frontally; his right hand is raised in an attitude
of blessing, while, with his left, he holds Saint
Peter's symbolic keys. He wears an unusually
high, double-crowned tiara, and a cope held to-
gether by a morse under his bare neck. The or-
namentation on both tiara and cope shows
Arnolfo's fondness for minute detail, in contrast
to the sculpture's overall compact and almost
geometric volume. This latter quality brings to
mind Giotto's fresco portrait of the pontiff paint-
ed in 1300, at the time of the jubilee, when the
painter was quite young and the sculptor was
over sixty. In spite of the difference in years, it is
not unlikely that the mature Arnolfo let himself
be influenced by the innovative talent of the
junior artist.

Due to the many vicissitudes that this bust
has undergone, the right side of the face has
sustained considerable damage, three of the
fingers of the right hand have been broken and
restored, and the finial of the tiara has been lost.
Recently, the face was restored, the added fingers
removed, and the overall surface cleaned. In old
photographs the bust has no background, but
in more recent ones it is shown in front of a
partially broken-off slab, which has now been
completed. Whether this background — or part
of it — is the original, or a re-creation of it, is not
clear. One way or the other, this portrait of the
strong-willed pontiff with his mesmerizing
expression, as Arnolfo saw it, has managed
to survive.

C. G-M.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Vasari, he Vite, 1568, Club del Libra
ed., Milan, 1962, p. 231; G. Poggi, "Arnolfo di Cambio e il
sacello di Bonifacio rv," in Rivista d'Arte, III, 1905, pp.
187-98; G. Lander, "Die Statue Bonifaz VIII in der
Lateransbasilika und die Entstehung der dreifach gekronten
Tiara," in Romische Quartalschrift fur christliche Alter-
tumskunde und fur christliche Kirchengeschichte, I, II,
1934, pp. 35-68; H. Keller, "Der Bildhauer Arnolfo di
Cambio und seine Werkstatt," in Jahrbuch der preus-
sischen Kunstsammlungen, LV, 1934, pt. 2, pp. 25-28, fig.
22; G. Fiocco, "Giotto e Arnolfo," in Rivista d'Arte, XIX,
1937, nos. 3, 4, pp. 221-39; J. B. deToth, Grutas Vaticanas,
Vatican City, 1960, no. 35, ill.; The Vatican and Christian
Rome, Vatican City, 1975, p. 12, colorplate; A. M. Romanini,
Arnolfo di Cambio, Florence, 1980, pp. 84-101, figs. XI-XV,
pis. 76-104.

COPE, WITH SCENES OF CHRIST AND
THE VIRGIN, SAINTS, AND SERAPHIM

England, c. 1280-1300

Red silk twill, embroidered with gold and silver-
gilt threads and colored silks
Height, 54 " (137.2 cm); width, 122 " (309. 9 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.
no. 2447

Richly embroidered in silk and metal threads,
this pluvial cope — a processional and ceremoni-
al ecclesiastical vestment— is one of the finest
late-thirteenth-century examples of opus anglica-
num, the renowned medieval embroidery pro-
duced in England primarily in the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries. The ground is heavy red
silk (samite), and the design is executed in un-

derside couching, split-stitch, and laid-and-
couched work. The figures, wearing mantles of
gold and robes of blue or green and yellow, are
enclosed in eight-pointed stars and even-arm
crosses that alternate along the diagonal. In the
center of the back, in ascending order, are the
Virgin and Child, the Crucifixion, and the Coro-
nation of the Virgin, surrounded by seraphim
standing on wheels, the apostles with Saint Paul,
Saints Margaret and Catherine of Alexandria—
the often-paired virgin martyrs — and Saint
Stephen the protomartyr and Saint Lawrence —
two of the original seven deacons of the
Roman Church.

The design has been trimmed along the semi-
circular edge. The orphrey, an embroidered strip,
would have run in opposing directions from the
center of the back, following the straight edge,
in order to be correctly oriented on either side
of the front opening, which would have been
fastened by a morse. The place of the original

triangular hood, at the center of the back, can
still be discerned where the silk is less faded.

Unlike many examples of opus anglicanum,
the Vatican cope does not depict specifically
English saints. R. W. Lee, however, has discussed
the particularly English character of the repre-
sentations, as seen in details — notably of Saint
Margaret, who stabs the dragon with the ban-
nered cross, in accordance with a thirteenth-
century English legend, and in the single figure
of Saint Philip holding three loaves of bread, as
on an English cope that bears his name in
embroidery in the cathedral of Toledo. Unusual,
and unique in opus anglicanum, is the depiction
of Saint Peter holding the papal tiara in addi-
tion to the keys.

In iconography, style, and technique, the Vati-
can cope compares with other surviving English
embroideries. Several copes combine similar
scenes — especially the English type of the
Coronation, with Christ personifying the three

figures of the Trinity and seated, with the Virgin,
on a single throne. The Syon cope in the Vic-
toria and Albert Museum is the closest to the
Vatican cope, combining framed figures of the
apostles and of seraphim with central compart-
ments containing the Crucifixion and the Coro-
nation of the Virgin. The figure style and the
use of color have been compared to English
manuscript illumination of the late thirteenth
century, and the star-and-cross motif is found
in the Westminster Abbey retable of about the
same date.

The Vatican cope, which had been preserved
in a convent in Rome, was given to the Museo
Sacro by Pius X (1903-14) in 1910. It is among
the earliest in a long line of Gothic luxury em-
broideries commissioned in England for use
throughout Europe. Notable examples survive
in churches as well as in major museums, in-
cluding The Metropolitan Museum of Art. A
number of copes in Italy, such as those in San

Giovanni in Laterano in Rome, and in Pienza,
are the heritage of the papacy. By 1295, the Vati-
can inventory recorded more than one hundred
examples of opus anglicanum, reflecting papal
commissions, and gifts to Rome from English
ecclesiastics, royalty, and nobility. In the 1320s
and 1330s, both the Archbishop of Canterbury
and the Bishop of Ely sent copes to the pope.
The copes received by Nicholas IV (1291) and
Boniface VIII (about 1295) from Edward I are
closer in date to the present example. Although
the earlier history of the Vatican cope cannot be
established, its quality and style are in keeping
with this kind of prized gift.

C G-M., B. D. B.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: R. W Lee, "An English Gothic Embroi-
dery in the Vatican," in Memorie della Pontificia Accademia
Romana di Archeologia, ser. Ill, III, 1932, pp. 1—34;
A. G. L. Christie, English Medieval Embroidery, Oxford,
1938; Opus Anglicanum: Medieval English Embroidery (exh.
cat.), London, Victoria and Albert Museum, September
26-November 24, 1963.

Probably by PAOLO ROMANO (c. 1415-1470)

and his workshop
EIGHT RELIEFS, WITH THE TRIALS OF
THE APOSTLES PETER AND PAUL

A. The Emperor Nero and Three Roman Officials

B. Two Roman Soldiers

C. Three Roman Soldiers

D. Saint Peter in Chains between Two Guards

E. Three Roman Soldiers

F. Three Roman Soldiers

G. Saint Paul in Chains between Two Guards

H. Three Roman Officials
Rome, c. 1460-64
Marble

Height, each, 52 Vs " (133 cm); width, each, 14 % e "
(37 cm), including marble base preserved only
in reliefs E, F

Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro

The first of the reliefs (A) shows the Emperor
Nero, faithfully portrayed after his Roman effigies,
seated on a sella curulis, holding a scepter and
presiding over the trials of the two apostles, who
were martyred during the persecutions of the
Christians in a.d. 64-67. Both events, divided
among seven scenes, take place under the cof-
fered ceiling of a tribunal. The architectural
backgrounds, showing perspective views of
arches and vaults, are preserved only in reliefs
C, D, E, and F, but they presumably continued
in the other four segments. The present sequence
of the reliefs — based upon the conclusions of a
recent, unpublished study by the architect Pier
Luigi Silvan — takes into account the correct
alignment of the architectural perspectives, and,
much more importantly, the structure of the re-
liefs themselves, each of which, as Silvan was
the first to observe, is cut at a forty-five-degree
angle on one or the other side — a detail that
clearly shows that they originally were meant
to be paired cornerwise.
Although the reliefs, traditionally, are known

to have come from the so-called ciborium of
Sixtus IV (1471-84) on the high altar of Saint
Peter's, no satisfactory suggestion as to their
placement within the architectural design of the
ciborium can be found, either in the generalized
sketch in Grimaldi's codex (R. Niggl, ed., 1972,
p. 199, fig. 85), or in the studies of Hugo von
Tschudi (1887), Fritz Burger (1907), or Adolfo
Venturi (1908), who assumed that the vertical
panels were intended to be seen as a horizontal
unified relief. Once it was understood that they
must have decorated the four corners of an
architectural structure, Silvan was able to recon-
cile their measurements with those of the perime-
ter of the ciborium itself, as revealed by the
1940-51 excavations of the Confessio of Peter.
Moreover, the height of the carvings is the same
as that of the four large reliefs with scenes from
the lives and martyrdoms of Saints Peter and
Paul (still walled in, in the ambulatory, beneath
the Confessio), which decorated the four faces
of the ciborium of Sixtus IV The ciborium was
supported by four porphyry columns, and, in its

F G H

overall design, must have been inspired by the
monumental ciborium of Cardinal d'Estouteville
erected in 1461-63 in Santa Maria Maggiore.
The corner reliefs of the Trials of Peter and Paul
must have occupied a place similar to that of
the triple Corinthian pilasters that flanked the
main narrative scenes by Mino da Fiesole on the
entablature of the latter ciborium (C. Seymour,
1966, p. 159, fig. 21).

The style of the Trials is generally quite typi-
cal of the conservative, classicizing manner so
often found in Roman works of the third quar-
ter of the fifteenth century. Yet, when one com-
pares the four large "stories" of the time of Sixtus
IV, with their skillful recombination of elements
borrowed from the Column of Trajan and other
imperial sculptures, and their somewhat grand-
er and more fluid style, one has the distinct
impression that the archaizing vigor and wiry di-
rectness of the Trials belong to an earlier master.
The crowding of the figures beneath a coffered
ceiling recalls the Donatellesque organization of
one of the reliefs on the Aragonese Arch in Na-

ples (G. L. Hersey, 1973, fig. 37), and the angu-
lar and curiously expressive faces, the muscular
and veined arms, and the bony hands of the
figures are characteristic of the sculptures exe-
cuted by Paolo Romano and his workshop dur-
ing the pontificate of Pius II (1458-64). Espe-
cially striking are comparisons with the two
colossal statues of Saints Peter and Paul carved
in 1461-62 by Romano and his assistants for
the steps in front of Saint Peter's (A. Venturi,
1908, figs. 756-757). These observations sup-
port a suggestion first advanced by Giuseppe
Cascioli (1925, p. 26), and recently confirmed
by Silvan, that the reliefs of the Trials were exe-
cuted some fifteen years before the large "stories"
commissioned by Sixtus IV. If carved under Pius
II, the panels of the Trials would have deco-
rated the corners of a fairly simple marble cibo-
rium, the shape of which we know from a medal
of 1470 (G. E Hill, 1930, no. 764). It was this
earlier ciborium that, under Sixtus IV, was
modified and enriched by the addition of the
four large narrative reliefs.

The eight carvings were set into the wall of
the Cappella delle Partorienti, in the Grotte, about
1616. In 1949, they were moved to Room VI,
and in 1977 they were reinstalled in Room IV of
the Grotte.

0. R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. L. Dionysius, Sacrarum Vaticanae
Basilicae Cryptarum Monumenta, Rome, 1828, pp. 50-51,
no. 2, Tab. XXIII; H. vonTschudi, "Das Konfessionstaber-
nakel Sixtus IV in St. Peter zu Rom," in Jahrbuch der
Koniglich Preussischen Kunstsammlungen, 8, 1887, pp.
1 1-24; F. Burger, "Das Konfessionstabernakel Sixtus IV u.
sein Meister," in Jahrbuch der Koniglich Preussischen
Kunstsammlungen, 28, 1907, pp. 95-111, 150-67; A.
Venturi, La Scultura del Quattrocento (Storia dell' Arte italiana,
6), Milan, 1908, p. 1128; G. Cascioli, Guida illustrata delle
Sacre Grotte Vaticane, Rome, 1925, p. 26.

Comparative works cited: G. F. Hill, A Corpus of Italian
Medals of the Renaissance before Cellini, London, 1930; C.
Seymour, Sculpture in Italy 1400 to 1500, London, 1966; R.
Niggl, ed., G. Grimaldi, Descrizione della Basilica antica di S.
Pietro in Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican
City, 1972; G. L. Hersey, The Aragonese Arch at Naples
1443-1475, New Haven, 1973.

GIOVANNI DALMATA (IVAN DUKNOVIC)

(c. 1440-c. 1510)
RELIEF, WITH THE BLESSING CHRIST

Rome, c. 1479
Marble

Height, 5V/ 2 " (130.8 cm); width, 27 7 / 8 " (71 cm)
Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro

This imposing image of the Redeemer enthroned
in heaven was the central panel of the tomb of
Cardinal Bernardino Eroli in Old Saint Peter's.
Flanking the central image were a relief of Saint
Peter and one of Saint Paul, and, below the effigy
of the deceased, there were a long inscription
and two panels with Eroli's coat of arms, as
shown in two drawings in Giacomo Grimaldi's
codex (R. Niggl, ed., 1972, p. 161, fig. 61, p.
338, fig. 206). Initially, the tomb was erected in
the right transept of the old basilica, but later it
was moved to the left nave (M. Cerrati, 1914,
pp. 52, 82). It was disassembled in 1606 during
the demolition of the nave ordered by Paul V,
but most of its sculptural decoration was saved
and the single elements reinstalled in various

parts of the Grotte below Saint Peter's (F. M.
Torrigio, 1618, pp. 36, 44, 52, 76). The present
relief is in fairly good condition, except for the
broken fingers of Christ's blessing hand, and the
transverse arm of the cross.

When Cardinal Eroli died in 1479, Giovanni
Dalmata had just completed his most famous
work: the great funerary monument of Paul II
in Saint Peter's, the execution of which he shared
with Mino da Fiesole. The solemn vision of the
Eroli Christ has a direct precedent in the reliefs of
God the Father and of the Resurrected Christ on
the tomb of Paul II. Similar in both are the vigor-
ous geometry of the sharp, angular folds, and the
introspective, icon-like face of the Redeemer.

In studying the sources of Dalmata's style,
Jolan Balogh has stressed the importance of
Florentine, rather than Roman, influences. His
Resurrection relief seems to her to betray a
recollection of details of works by Luca della
Robbia and, especially by Verrocchio. Yet, none
of these comparisons accounts for the strikingly
expressive, almost rugged forms that are so
characteristic of Dalmata's style. The Relief with
the Blessing Christ, as well as those of Saints
Peter and Paul, from the Eroli tomb, are of such
powerful individuality that one may wonder
whether the sources of their semiabstract style
are not to be found, ultimately, in the Byzantine

icons of the sculptor's native Dalmatia. 0. R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: K. Prijatelj, Ivan Duknovic, Zagreb, 1957,
p. 22, figs. 30-33; idem, "Profilo di Giovanni Dalmata,"
in Arte Antica e Moderna, 1, 1959, p. 288; J. Balogh,
"Ioannes Duknovich de Tragurio," in Aaa Historiae Artium,
7, 1960-61, pp. 51-78.

Comparative works cited: F. M. Torrigio, he Sucre Grotte
Vaticane, Viterbo, 1618; M. Cerrati, Tiberii Alpharani de
basilicaeVaticanaeantiquissimaetnovastructura, Rome, 1914;
R. Niggl, ed., G. Grimaldi, Descrizione della Basilica antica di
S. Pietro in Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vati-
can City, 1972.

ANDREA BREGNO (1418-1503)
RELIEF, WITH THE APOSTLE
SAINT ANDREW

Rome, 1491
Marble

Height, 47 1 / 8 " (119. 7cm); width, 31 3 / 4 " (80. 6 cm)
New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift
of J. Pierpont Morgan, 1917, 17.190.1736 a-c

Standing in a shallow niche flanked by two Co-
rinthian pilasters decorated with delicately carved
candelabra, this noble figure of Saint Andrew
was made for the marble altar erected in 1491
in the old basilica of Saint Peter's. The altar was
commissioned by a French prelate, Guillaume
de Perrier, and stood inside the front wall of the
basilica, at the left of the door of the Last
Judgment, as shown on the 1571 plan by Tiberio
Alfarano (M. Cerrati, 1914, p. 70). A drawing
made prior to the dismantling of the altar in
1606 shows its original aspect: three apostles
stand in niches against the wall — Saint Peter in
the center, flanked by Saint Paul, on the left,
and Saint Andrew, on the right (R. Niggl, ed.,
1972, p. 133, fig. 47). In 1612, the two reliefs of
Saint Peter and Saint Paul were obtained by
Monsignor Giovanni Battista Simoncelli, a mem-
ber of Paul V's household, who transported them
to his native village of Bauco (now Boville
Ernica), south of Rome, and used them to deco-
rate the entrance to his own family chapel.

The classicistic style of the two saints from
Boville Ernica is so typical of the apostles on
the marble altars commissioned between 1491
and 1495 by Perrier for various Roman churches
that Muhoz could easily establish that these
figures, originally, were part of the lost Perrier
altar from Old Saint Peter's. When, in 1912, the
relief of Saint Andrew surfaced on the Italian
art market, the evidence was complete.

All of the Perrier altars have been associated
by Emst Steinmann (1899, pp. 226-31) with
Andrea Bregno, on the basis of their stylistic
affinity with some of his most famous Roman
works: the tomb of Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa
(died 1464) in San Pietro in Vincoli, the tomb
(c. 1465) of Cardinal d'Albret (died 1465) in
Santa Maria in Aracoeli , and the Borgia altar
(1473) in Santa Maria del Popolo . In particular,
this type of apostle — draped in an ample Roman
toga worn over a pleated tunic and gathered at
the side by the hand holding a book — so char-
acteristic of the Perrier altars, can be found on
several earlier Bregno monuments: in addition
to the Borgia altar, on the Piccolomini altar in

the Duomo in Siena and on the marble taberna-
cle at Santa Maria della Quercia in Viterbo.

While one may be confident that Bregno was
responsible for the basic design of all of the Perrier
altars, the differences in the way that single
figures are handled suggest that they were carved
by various sculptors employed in Bregno's busy
studio. As remarked on by Munoz (1911, p.
173), the three apostles from the Perrier altar at
Saint Peter's are especially close to the figures
on the tomb of Cardinal Giovanni Battista Savelli
(1495-98) in Santa Maria in Aracoeli. Here we
find the same elongated canon and the same
predilection for narrowly pleated garments and
sharply denned outlines. The sculptural style,
indeed, seems to echo the refined and precious

classicism so often to be found in Roman works
of the 1490s.

In the New York Saint Andrew, the sharp and
exquisite handling of the architectural ornament
and the sensitive quality of the saint's well-drawn
features argue strongly in favor of an attribution
to Bregno himself. A point so far unnoticed is
that the sculptor's own fine, taut features, as
recorded in the portrait over his tomb at Santa
Maria sopra Minerva (H. Egger, 1927, pi. XXVI),
served as a model for the face of the apostle,
who was his patron saint.

The recent history of the relief is not known.
Presumably, it was in Italy until 1909, when it
was sold by the dealer Alfredo Barsanti to
J. Pierpont Morgan. 0. R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Munoz, "Ancora delle opere d'arte
di Boville Ernica provenienti da S. Pietro in Vaticano," in
Bollettino d'Arte, 6, 1912, pp. 239-42; J. Breck, Catalogue
of Romanesque, Gothic and Renaissance Sculpture, The Met-
ropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1913, pp. 70-72,
no. 73; G. C. Sciolla, "Profilo di Andrea Bregno," in Arte
Lombarda, 15, 1970, p. 55.

Comparative works cited: E. Steinmann, 'Andrea Bregno's
Thatigkeit in Rom," in Jahrbuch der Kbnigliche Preus-
sischen Kunstsammlungen, 20, 1899, pp. 216-32; A. Munoz,
"Reliquie artistiche della vecchia basilica Vaticana a Boville
Ernica," in Bollettino d'Arte, 5,1911, pp. 161-82; M. Cerrati,
Tiberii Alpharani de basilicae Vaticanae antiquissima et nova
structura, Rome, 1914; H. Egger, "Beitrage zur Andrea
Bregno — Forschung," in Festschrift Schlosser, Vienna,
1927, pp. 122-28; R. Niggl, ed., G. Grimaldi, Descrizione
della Basilica antica di S. Pietro in Vaticano, Biblioteca
Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City, 1972.

THE

APOSTOLIC
PALACES

Many of the works of art now in the Vatican
Museums testify to the enlightened and
magnificent care taken by the popes in build-
ing and decorating their Vatican residence.
The Apostolic palaces (fig. 15) are situated
to the right, north of Saint Peter's, and com-
prise three distinct groups of buildings: to the west is the
oldest nucleus of medieval palaces, with their Renaissance
facade overlooking the open courtyard of San Damaso,
toward Saint Peter's Square; to the north is the matching wing
built by Gregory XIII (1572-85); to the east is the imposing,
almost square, mass of the early-seventeenth-century Palace
of Sixtus V (1585-90), which, to this day, serves as the resi-
dence of the pope.

For almost a thousand years, until the twelfth century,
the popes resided near the basilica of San Giovanni in
Laterano, the cathedral church of Rome. To be sure, in the
ninth century, Leo IV (847-5 5 ) enclosed the Vatican hill with-
in powerful walls, and, in the twelfth century, Eugene III
(1145-53) and Innocent m (1198-12 16) built a fortified dwell-
ing to house the pope and the Curia close to Saint Peter's.
Yet, it was Nicholas III (1277-80) who initiated the construc-
tion of a larger apostolic palace. It was to have four wings,
surrounding a central courtyard, containing the papal
apartments, three meeting halls, a palace chapel and a pri-
vate chapel, and four defensive towers. Only the south and
west wings of this palatial complex were built under Nicho-
las III, but the walls of some of the papal rooms were already
embellished with frescoed friezes — as shown by the beauti-
ful thirteenth- and fourteenth-century mural fragments dis-
covered only recently (see cat. no. 13A-C). Construction of
this medieval palace came to a halt during the Avignon papa-
cy (1309-77) and the Great Schism (1378-1417), but with
the election of the first great Renaissance pope, Nicholas V
(1447-55), the Apostolic Palace entered a new and most

splendid period. Nicholas V added a north wing, overlook-
ing the Belvedere courtyard, that extends up along the Vati-
can hill. The austere facade blends with the earlier medieval
building, but inside, on all three floors, the distribution of
vaulted, regularly proportioned rooms, with their Early Ren-
aissance mullioned windows, proclaims the new style. In
1447, Fra Angelico was called upon to fresco the pope's pri-
vate chapel, the chapel of Saint Nicholas; the palace chapel;
and the walls of a small studiolo. While the latter two were
destroyed in the sixteenth century, the gem- like clarity of
Angelico's cycles of Saint Lawrence and Saint Stephen still
can be admired in the small chapel on the second floor of
the palace.

Nicholas V's passion for books and for buildings was
revived by one of his successors, Sixtus IV (1471-84), to
whom we owe the formal creation, in 1475, of the Vatican
Library, and the construction, between the palace and Saint
Peter's, of the new Palatine Chapel — later known as the Sistine
Chapel. The chapel was built between 1475 and 1480, and,
by 1483, its walls were frescoed with the portraits of the first
thirty- one popes (between the windows) and with the series
of scenes from the lives of Moses and Christ by Pietro Perugino,
Sandro Botticelli, Domenico Ghirlandaio, Bernardino
Pinturicchio, Cosimo Rosselli, and Luca Signorelli. Their bril-
liant colors, enhanced by touches of gold, must have given
the new chapel the gaiety and splendor of a page from an
illuminated manuscript.

As the Apostolic Palace was nearly complete, Innocent
VIII (1484-92) turned his attention toward the large stretch
of green that extended up the Vatican hill to the "mons sancti
Aegidii," where, in 1487, he had a pavilion erected, with an
open loggia and crenellated walls, later to be known as the
Palazzetto del Belvedere. It was one of the first pleasure vil-
las to be built in Rome since antiquity. Above the entrance to
the small papal apartment was a wreath with the pope's coat

of arms carried by two angels, in glazed terracotta (see cat.
no. 14). In the last years of the fifteenth century, Alexander
VI (1492-1503) added the Borgia Tower to the east of the
Apostolic Palace. He engaged Pinturicchio to decorate the
five rooms of his apartment on the ground floor with paint-
ings of the most festive and tapestry-like narrative cycles of
the time (fig. 17). The election of Julius II (1503-13) ushered
in an era in which the intimate character of the fifteenth-
century papal residence was transformed by the sublime works
of Raphael and Michelangelo and by the grandiose architec-
tural plans of Donate Bramante. To Bramante we owe the Bel-
vedere courtyard, designed to link the Apostolic Palace to
the villa of Innocent VIII, and the three loggias of the new
east facade of the palace, itself. It was Raphael who frescoed
the new apartment of Julius II, on the floor above the Borgia
rooms: the Stanza della Segnatura (fig. 16), which was the

pope's private library; the Stanza d'Eliodoro; and the Stanza
dell'Incendio. Michelangelo, of course, was responsible for
the monumental ceiling of the Sistine Chapel (fig. 18), with
its episodes from the Old Testament, prophets, and Sibyls. By
the time of Julius II's death, in 1513, Raphael had finished
frescoing the Segnatura, a collective apotheosis of the eternal
truths, and the Stanza d'Eliodoro, representing the divine
protection of the Church. Under Leo X (1513-21), he contin-
ued to work in the Stanza dell'Incendio, and completed
Bramante's loggias on the east side of the palace. Acting as
architect and painter, with many students and followers,
Raphael oversaw the mural decoration of the Logge with
scenes from the Old and New Testaments and with intricate
grotesques and stucchi inspired by those of the Domus Aurea
of Nero. Shortly after 1514, he also prepared the cartoons for
the so-called Scuola Vecchia series of ten tapestries with

FIG. 16. (BELOW, TOP): RAPHAEL'S FRESCOES IN THE STANZA DELIA SEGNATURA, WITH THE DISPUTA (CENTER). 1509-11
FIG. 17. (BELOW, BOTTOM): BERNARDINO PINTURICCHIO. THE RESURRECTION .
FRESCO. 1492-94. SALA DEI MISTERI, BORGIA APARTMENT
FIG. 18. (RIGHT): THE SISTINE CHAPEL, WITH A VIEW OF MICHELANGELO'S LAST JUDGMENT. FRESCO. 1536-41

episodes from the lives of the Apostles Peter and Paul, commis-
sioned by Leo X to decorate the Sistine Chapel — an admira-
ble cycle, which embodies all of the majesty and poetry of
Raphael's genius, as we see in one of the most beautiful of
his compositions, The Miraculous Draught of Fishes (cat. no.
17).

Two years after the death of Leo X, Clement VII
(1523-34) became pope and he looked to Michelangelo to
paint the powerful fresco of The Last Judgment on the altar
wall of the Sistine Chapel. The gigantic mural was complet-
ed by 1541, under Paul III (1534-49). This pontiffs reign
marked still another phase in the decoration of the papal
palace, to which was added Antonio da Sangallo's magnificent
Sala Regia (of 1538-72), with its stuccoes by Perino del Vaga
and Daniele da Volterra and its murals by Vasari and other
Mannerist painters, and the Pauline Chapel, with Michel-
angelo's poignant frescoes of The Conversion of Saul and The
Martyrdom of Saint Peter (of 1542-50). The completion of
these great projects lasted well into the 1570s, transforming
the old Apostolic Palace into the most magnificent of all Ren-
aissance palaces, a magnet and source of inspiration for gen-
erations of artists throughout Europe.

Olga Raggio

BIBLIOGRAPHY: D. Redig de Campos, / Palazzi Vaticani, Bologna, 1967.

JACOBUS PICTOR (?)
A-C. FRAGMENTS OF A FRIEZE
WITH GRIFFINS

Last quarter of the 13th century

These three fragments were part of the frieze of
a small room on the second floor of the papal
palace in the Vatican, in the wing built by Nich-
olas III (1277-80). The room, used by Nicholas
V (1447-55) as a cubicle, adjoins the Sala della
Falda and the Sala delle Paramenti (Hall of
Vestments). The fragments occupied the space
between the original ceiling and the one exist-
ing at the time of Nicholas V They were discov-
ered in 1948, detached from the wall in 1968,
and, between 1972 and 1975, transferred onto
Masonite and then restored. The fragments con-
tain elements belonging to two very different
decorative systems. The oldest consists of a band
ornamented with a series of circles in each of
which is a griffin, alternating with floral designs;
in the register below, the swirls of floral motifs
form intersecting circles. At a later period, the

decoration was modified by superimposing on
the part with the swirls — while maintaining, as
the primary element, the band with the griffins —
another frieze with swirls of acanthus leaves in-
terspersed with the coat of arms of Boniface IX
( 1389- 1404) . The oldest frieze is contemporary
with the construction and original decoration
of the little room — during the pontificate of Nich-
olas III, or slightly later — as confirmed by the
style of the ornament.

The mention of a certain "Jacobus pictor,"
who was paid, in 1286 and 1288, "pro picturis
. . . pluris" executed in the Vatican Palace, is
documented, but there are no clear indications
that he worked in this room or elsewhere — such
as in the Sala dei Chiaroscuri (known, at one
time, as the Sala del Pappagallo), or in the Sala
degli Svizzeri, where, even today, above the
ceiling, fragments of thirteenth-century decora-
tions are to be found.

F. M.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: D. Redig de Campos, "Relazione II," in
Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia,
XXXIII-XXXIV, 1945-48, pp. 391-92; Monumenti Musei
e Gallerie Pontificie. Catalogo della Pinacoteca Vaticana, I,
W E Volbach, I dipinti dal X secolo fino a Giotto, Vatican
City, 1979, pp. 27-31.

JACOBUS PICTOR (?)
13 A. FRAGMENT OF A FRIEZE
WITH GRIFFINS

Last quarter of the 13th century

Fresco, transferred to Masonite

Height, 33 %" (86 cm); width, 90 W (153 cm)

Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 2325/3

The fresco, restored between 1972 and 1975,
occupied the west wall. All that remains of the
fragment is part of the thirteenth-century deco-
ration. In the lower section of the fragment there is
no trace of the frieze from the time of Boniface IX.

JACOBUS PICTOR (?)
13 B. FRAGMENT OF A FRIEZE
WITH GRIFFINS

Last quarter of the 13th century

Fresco, transferred to Masonite

Height, 43 Vie" (110 cm); width, 47 'W (119.5 cm)

Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 2325/18

Restored between 1972 and 1975, and situated,
originally, on the east wall, this fragment shows
most clearly all the elements of the thirteenth-
century decorative scheme — the band with the
griffins, above, and the swirls of floral motifs,
below. Nothing remains in the lower part of the
fragment from the frieze dating from the time of
Boniface IX.

JACOBUS PICTOR (?) AND UNKNOWN
PAINTER

13 C. FRAGMENTS OF TWO FRIEZES
OF DIFFERENT DATES

Last quarter of the 13th century, and the

pontificate of Boniface IX (1389-1404)
Fresco, transferred to Masonite
Height, 43 "A 6 " (111 cm); width, 58 W (148 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 2325/17

This fresco, restored between 1972 and 1975,
also decorated the east wall. It contains elements
of two separate designs: above, the thirteenth-
century frieze with griffins; below, with a later
border clearly superimposed on an older fresco,
the frieze from the time of Boniface IX, includ-
ing the pope's coat of arms, and, on the side,
traces of the swirling acanthus-leaf decoration.

13 A

BENEDETTO BUGLIONI (c. 1461-1521)
WREATH, WITH THE ARMS OF POPE
INNOCENT VIII (1484-92) SUPPORTED
BY TWO ANGELS

Florence, 1484-92
Glazed terracotta

Diameter of wreath, 47 W (121 cm); height: left

angel, 3 7 3 A " (96 cm), right angel, 35 Vz " (90 cm)
Musei Vaticani, Inv. no. 4087

A wreath surrounds the coat of arms of the
Genoese Giovanni Battista Cibo (later Pope In-
nocent VIII; 1484-92): a shield gules, with a
bend cheeky argent and azure and a chief silver,
with the cross of the Republic of Genoa, gules.
Above it are the papal tiara and the crossed keys,
one gold and the other silver. The shield shows
signs of having been hit with a sharp metal point
in an attempt to deface the checkered bend, while
the continuous fruit-and-flower wreath, cast in
six pieces, has numerous plaster repairs. The two
angels are well preserved, except for losses on
the hands and feet. Because of the unfinished
edges of their forearms, the angels recently have
been placed closer to the wreath than in their
former installation in the Borgia Apartment, thus
conveying the impression of supporting the
wreath from below rather than from the sides,
as before.

The earliest mention of this armorial occurs
in Agostino Taja's description of the Cortile del
Belvedere, written about 1712 (Descrizione del
Palazzo Apostolico Vaticano, Rome, 1750, p. 399):
It was over the doorway leading into the apart-
ment of Innocent VIII, on the northern side of
the courtyard, as shown also in an anonymous
Italian drawing of about 1720-27 in the British
Library in London (see C. Pietrangeli, Introduc-
tion, cat. p. 16, fig. 3). In 1771, when this
doorway became the entrance to the Clementine
museum, the armorial was replaced by the arms
of Clement XIV (1769-74), as we see in Anton
Raphael Mengs's allegorical fresco on the ceiling
of the Gabinetto dei Papiri (see G. Daltrop, cat.
p. 117, fig. 30). About 1844, the armorial was
moved to the new Museo Gregoriano Profano in
the Palazzo Lateranense. In 1897, it was returned
to the Vatican to be shown in the Borgia Apart-
ment, which had just been restored and installed
as a museum of decorative arts. It remained there
until about 1964, when the Collection of Mod-
em Religious Art was moved into the Borgia
Apartment.

Both the armorial and the angels must have
been executed shortly after 1487, the date of
the completion of the Belvedere villa. Although
the bright enameled colors of the stemma seem
to be close to those used by Andrea della Robbia's
workshop, the modeling of the angels — who are
of different proportions — bears no resemblance
to the clarity of outline, the rhythm of the drapery
patterns, or to the facial types of the della Robbia
repertory. The armorial was ascribed by Allan
Marquand to Benedetto Buglioni, after compari-
son with documented works by Buglioni, of
1487-88 — three wreaths with the monogram
of Jesus, and the figures of Saint Peter and Saint
Benedict — in the vault of the refectory of San

Pietro dei Cassinensi in Perugia. We can confirm
this attribution by comparing the two Belvedere
angels with Buglioni's altarpiece of the Resurrec-
tion, documented to 1490, in the Museo Civico
in Pistoia (A. Marquand, 1921, p. 27, fig. 21),
where the figure of Christ displays the same
strongly Verrocchiesque features as the right-
hand angel of the Belvedere armorial. Other
elements, such as the somewhat elaborate treat-
ment of the clinging draperies and the type of
the left angel, also recall details of Verrocchio's
tomb of Cardinal Niccolo Forteguerri (of 1483)
in Pistoia Cathedral, a work that, undoubtedly,
must have made a lasting impression upon
Buglioni.

The armorial's vivid polychromy was well in
keeping with the fresco decorations of the apart-
ment of Innocent VIII, to which the airy land-

scapes, grotesques, and putti in the main rooms,
and Mantegna's miniature-like wall paintings
in the small papal chapel, must have lent a
cheerful, informal character.

0. R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Marquand, Benedetto and Santi
Buglioni, Princeton, 1921, p. 3, fig. 1; C. Pietrangeli, "II
Museo Clementino Vaticano," in Rendiconti della Pontificia
Accademia di Archeologia, 27, 1951-52, p. 94; D. Redig de
Campos, / Palazzi Vaticani, Bologna, 1967, p. 76; E.
Micheletti, "Benedetto Buglioni," in Dizionario biografico
degli italiani, XV (1972), pp. 26-27.

THE "MYSTIC WINE" TAPESTRY

Flanders, first quarter of the 16th century
Tapestry, in wool and silk, with silver and

silver-gilt threads
Height, 54 ¥ 4 " (139 cm); width, 68 Vs " (1 73 cm)
Palazzo Vaticano, Appartamento Pontificio, Inv.

no. 3833

The weft is of two-ply wool, three-ply silk, and
silver and silver-gilt thread; the warp is of two-
ply wool, with eight to ten threads per centimeter.
The tapestry was restored in 1868 — when those
portions in silk that had been lost or damaged
were re woven in wool — and again in 1955,
preserving the old restorations.

The tapestry was given to Pius IX by the Chap-
ter of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome, which had
had it restored by Eraclito Gentili (cf. E Gentili,
1874, p. 47). It was displayed in the Palazzo del
Quirinale, at the 1870 "Esposizione Romana"
(cf. L Esposizione Romana, 1870, p. 58), and then
was hung in the Galleria degli Arazzi in the Vati-
can (cf. D. Farabulini, 1884, n. p. 97). Transferred
to the Borgia Apartment in 1898, the tapestry
was first in the Sala dei Santi (cf. S. Le Grelle,
1925, p. 75) and then in the Sala dei Pontifici—
where it remained until 1962, and from which
it was taken to the papal apartment. It was ex-
hibited in Antwerp in 1954.

The scene is framed by a continuous frieze of
floral and vegetal elements in which grape vines
predominate. The subject of the tapestry is based
upon the grape — symbolic of the Passion and
of the Eucharist. In the center are the Virgin
and Child, before whom a woman kneels, hold-
ing a chalice in her right hand. The woman clear-
ly is wearing modern clothing, and her facial
features are so personalized that this image is
probably a portrait. Jesus offers her a bunch of
grapes from the chalice. The significance of this
scene is suggested by the inscription on the scroll
in the upper left: bibite • vinvm • q[vo]d • miscvi
• vobis • prove 9 (Proverbs 9:5), which is a
reference to Wisdom, who invites men to dine.
The woman is, therefore, in all likelihood an
allegory of the Church, for whom Christ, by of-
fering the bunch of grapes, "pours" the Eucha-
ristic wine. The identities of the two lateral figures
are clarified by the scrolls that accompany them.
The figure on the left, like the woman, wears

modem clothing, and the distinctiveness of his
features seems to indicate that this, too, is a
portrait. The inscription on his scroll, porrexit •

MANVM • SVAM • IN • LIBACIONE • ET • LIBAVIT • DE

sangvene • we • so, is from the Vulgate Ecclesiastes
50:15, the text of which speaks of Simon, son
of Onia, High Priest of the Old Law, so that he is
probably Simon who prefigures Christ, High
Priest of the New Law. The figure on the right,
holding a scroll with the words ammrm • /erit •
potiobibetibvs • illam/vsa • 29, from Isaiah (24:9),
most likely is Isaiah; the text prefigures the Pas-
sion, suggesting the Eucharistic interpretation
of the wine as the blood of Christ. In the back-
ground, two singing angels are accompanying
themselves on the harp and on a small viola, as
two other angels listen and observe the action
in the foreground. A typically Northern land-
scape is visible behind them.

According to Pietro Gentili (1868, p. 6), who
cites the archive sources, the tapestry was donat-
ed to the Chapter of Santa Maria Maggiore by
Julius II. The choice of so rare a subject is not
surprising when we recall that Julius II's uncle,
Sixtus IV, had participated in a debate about the
blood of Christ, initiated in 1462 by Pius II, and
had published, in 1472, a treatise entitled De
Sanguine Christi (Of Christ's Blood) (cod. Vat.
lat. 1051, 1052). Given its theme, the tapestry
was probably commissioned by Julius II. Its ex-
tremely high quality indicates, moreover, that it
was woven in an important Flemish workshop
early in the sixteenth century — perhaps from a
cartoon by an artist close to Quentin Metsys.
Considering its dimensions, it is possible — as
suggested by X. Barbier de Montault (1879, p.
185) — that the tapestry was an altarpiece.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: P Gentili, Breve relazione di un arazzo
fiammingo rappresentante Gesu Bambino in grembo alia Beata
Vergine con attusione al SS.mo Sacramento della Eucaristia,
Rome, 1868; L'Esposizione Romana delle opere di ogni arte
eseguite nel culto cattolico. Giornale illustrate, Rome, 1870,
no. 7, p. 58; R Gentili, Sulla Manifattura degli Arazzi, Rome,
1874, p. 47; X. Barbier de Montault, "InventaireDescriptif
des Tapisseries de Haute-Lisse Conservees a Rome," in
Memoires de I'Academie des Sciences et Arts d' Arras, II, X,
1879, pp. 184-85; D. Farabulini, L'arte degli arazzi e la
nuova Galleria dei Gobelins al Vaticano, Rome, 1884, n. p.
97; Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, S. Le Grelle, Guida delle Gallerie
di Pittura, Rome, 1925, p. 75.

17-19

TAPESTRY, WITH THE CRUCIFIXION,
THE ANNUNCIATION, AND SAINTS

Flanders, first quarter of the 16th century
Tapestry, in wool and silk, with silver-gilt threads
Height, 71 %" (182 cm); width, 76" (193 cm)
Palazzo Vaticano, Appartamento Pontificio, Inv.
no. 3830

The weft is of two-ply wool, three-ply silk, and
silver-gilt thread; the warp is of two-ply wool,
with eight to nine threads per centimeter. Miss-
ing are about thirty centimeters of the lower part
of the tapestry, including the floral border and
the tondi in the corners, with the symbols of
the Evangelists Luke and Matthew. According
to Barbier de Montault (1879, pp. 183-84), who
gives a fairly precise description, in the second
half of the nineteenth century the tapestry was
in Saint Peter's, and it was exhibited for the first
time at the "Esposizione Romana" of 1870, at
which point it seems to have been undamaged.
Subsequently, it was moved to the Sala delle
Sibille in the Borgia Apartment, where it re-
mained until 1962, when it was transferred to
the papal apartments.

The field is divided into two areas. Above,
against the background of a hilly Northern land-
scape with trees and houses, is the Crucifixion.
Below, framed by arcades supported by Com-
posite columns, are three scenes. In the center
is the Annunciation, set in an interior. On the
left are Saint John the Baptist, with a book and
a lamb; Saint Augustine, holding his heart in
his hand; and Saint Jerome, with the lion be-
side him. On the right are Saint Catherine of
Alexandria, who treads upon the wheel of her
martyrdom and grips the sword with which she
was killed, and Saint Martha, who holds a basin
of holy water. No longer visible (it was in the
lost portion of the tapestry) is the dragon that
was trampled by the saint, but its presence was
attested by Barbier de Montault. At the foot of
the cross is the Spanish royal crest, which, along
with certain resemblances in facial type, suggests
that the angel of the Annunciation and the
Virgin are, respectively, Ferdinand and Isabella,
the "Catholic Kings." The crest clearly indicates
that the tapestry was a gift from the Spanish
royal family, although, stylistically, it appears to
have been made in Flanders early in the six -
teenth century. Considering its dimensions, it is
likely that it was designed as an altarpiece.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: X. Barbier de Montault, "Inventaire
Descriptif des Tapisseries de Haute-Lisse Conservees a
Rome," in Memoires de I'Academie des Sciences el Arts d' Arras,
II, X, 1879, pp. 183-84; Musei e Gallerie Pontificie. S. Le
Grelle, Guida delle Gallerie di Pittura, Rome, 1925, p. 67.

RAPHAEL'S TAPESTRIES FOR THE
SISTINE CHAPEL

c. 1515-21

The tapestry depicting the Miracle of the Fishes
and the two borders with the Hours and the Sea-
sons are part of a series devoted to the Apostles
Peter and Paul, commissioned from Raphael by
Leo X, about 1513-14, for the Sistine Chapel (cf.
J. Shearman, 1972, pp. 1-20). Raphael received
the first payment for the cartoons on June 16,
1515, and the final sum on December 20, 1516
(cf. V. Golzio, 1936, pp. 38, 51). The tapestries
were woven in Brussels in the workshop of Pieter
van Aelst; work began before July 1517, since,
at the end of that month, Antonio De' Beatis
reported as finished ("fornito") the one entitled
The Giving of the Keys {idem, p. 370). Curiously,
De' Beatis spoke of sixteen tapestries, while only
ten have come down to us. Unless there was an
error, one wonders whether, initially, a larger
series was planned to cover completely the walls
of the area of the chapel set aside for laymen —
between the railing and the entrance wall.

According to the Venetian ambassador, Mari-
no Sanuto, in July 1519 three tapestries were
delivered; the papal master of ceremonies, Paris
de Grassis, wrote that, for the papal Mass of
December 26, 1519, in the Sistine Chapel, there
were seven hangings, and "qui ut fuit universale
judicium, sunt res quibus non est aliquid in orbe
pulcrius, ut unumquodque pretium est valoris
duorum milium ducatorum auri in auro" ("as
was universally believed, the tapestries are the
most beautiful things in the world, and the price
of each one was two thousand gold ducats")
(idem, pp. 101, 103).MarcantonioMichiel, who
saw them the next day, counted among the tap-
estries The Miraculous Draught of Fishes, The Giv-
ing of the Keys, Saint Peter Healing a Cripple, The
Martyrdom of Saint Stephen, The Conversion of Saint
Paul, The Blinding of Elima, and The Sacrifice of
Lystra. In the inventory of tapestries drawn up
at the death of Leo X in December 1521 (cf. J.
Shearman, 1972, p. 138), The Death of Ananias,
Saint Paul in Prison, and The Preaching of Saint
Paul in Athens are included.

The vicissitudes of the tapestries after their ar-
rival in Rome were reconstructed, in 1958, by J.
Shearman and J. White in two long articles, and
reexamined by Shearman in his 1972 mono-
graph on Raphael's tapestries and cartoons. In
1527, during the Sack of Rome, the series was
stolen and sold by the troops of Charles V. The
Conversion and The Preaching of Saint Paul
were accquired by Isabella d'Este, and then stolen
by pirates, who took them to Tunisia. A marine
captain, Cazadiavolo, brought them to Venice
in 1528 and sold them to Zuanantonio Venier.
Later, the two tapestries ended up in Constan-
tinople, where they were acquired by Constable
Anne de Montmorency, who gave them to Ju-
lius III in 1554. As for the rest of the series, in
1530 Clement VII received an offer for several
tapestries then in Lyons — perhaps the same ones
that, on March 31, 1531, were exhibited in the
Sistine Chapel along with the so-called Scuola
Nuova tapestries, which had just been completed.

We know that, in 1532, four tapestries and a
fragment were in Naples, and that Clement VII
was negotiating to acquire them. It was proba-
bly during the pontificate of Paul III that the
practice developed of displaying the series on
great holy days, such as Easter and Corpus
Christi, at the end of the street leading to Saint
Peter's : first, on the portico in front of the basilica;
then, following Bernini's reorganization of the
piazza in the seventeenth century, in the Brac-
cio of Constantine. In 1798, the series was once
again carried off, this time to Genoa and then to
Paris, and finally, in 1808, it was returned to the
Vatican. Pius VII decided to put the tapestries on
permanent display, and had them placed in the
apartment of Saint Pius V. Gregory XVI trans-
fened them- to the so-called Galleria degli Arazzi,
reuniting them with the Scuola Nuova series,
and, in 1932, Pius XI had them installed in the
room dedicated to Raphael in the new Pinacoteca.

The tapestries originally were hung in the
Sistine Chapel, in the area used by the clergy;
only The Preaching of Saint Paul was on the
other side of the railing, in the section reserved
for laymen. The initial disposition of the individu-
al tapestries has continued to be debated, and
the most reliable reconstruction seems to be that
proposed by Shearman and White (1958, pp.
197-203).

The series clearly was based on an iconograph-
ic program drawn up by a theologian in the cir-
cle of Leo X, and certainly reflects the thinking
of the pontiff; events from his life are illustrated
in the lower borders of the individual tapestries.
The Peter and Paul cycles document, through
subtle parallels in the activities of the two
apostles, the origin of their authority in Christ,
and, hence, the primacy of the spiritual power
of the pope, the divine nature of his mission
and his judgment, and, finally, the duty of the
Church to actively propagate the Word of Christ.
In short, the series represents Leo X's response
to the heretical propositions of several cardinals
(during the pontificate of Julius II) who had
questioned the legality and supremacy of papal
power. Of the cartoons executed by Raphael and
his workshop, seven remain — all in the Victo-
ria and Albert Museum in London. In the past,
they had been attributed to Giovan Francesco
Penni alone, but, recently, numerous scholars —
particularly Shearman — have returned them to
Raphael, if also with the assistance of Giulio
Romano, Penni, Giovanni da Udine, and the
young Perino del Vaga. Their elegant monumen-
tality the frequent theatricality of the composi-
tional schemes and of the gestures of the figures,
the predominance of the figures over the land-
scape, and the type of architecture that is depicted
make the tapestries a key moment in the artistic
development of Raphael. In fact, they document
the adoption by the master from Urbino of an
artistic vocabulary that characterizes his late work
and that marks the beginnings of the "tragic"
style (cf. P De Vecchi, 1981, p. 86) that would
find in The Transfiguration its most perfect
manifestation.

The wefts of the tapestry and of the borders
are of three-ply wool, two-ply silk, and silver-
gilt thread. The warps are of three-ply wool, with
seven threads per centimeter. The tapestry and
borders were restored in 1982, and the older
restorations were partially preserved.

PIETER VAN AELST (active c. 1532), after
a cartoon by RAPHAEL (Urbino 1483-
Rome 1520)

17. THE MIRACULOUS DRAUGHT
OF FISHES

c. 1519

Tapestry, in silk and wool, with silver-gilt threads
Overall: height, 15 ' 11 Vie" (490 cm), width,
14'5 5 /s" (441 an); original part: height,
14 ' 1 "Ae" (431 cm), width, 15 ' 8 Vie" (478cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 3867

This tapestry, in the group delivered by van
Aelst to Leo X in 1 5 1 9, was seen by Michiel in
the Sistine Chapel that December. It was among
the last of the tapestries returned to the chapel
after the Sack of Rome, and was one of two
given to Julius III in 1 554 by Constable Anne
de Montmorency. According to Shearman,
Raphael intended it for the right of the altar.

The subject, from Luke (5:1-11), recounts the
Miraculous Draught of Fishes, specifically, the
episode in the vocation of Peter when, amazed
by the quantity offish that were caught, "he fell
down at Jesus's knees, saying, Depart from me;

for I am a sinful man, O Lord And Jesus said

unto Simon, Fear not; from henceforth thou shalt
catch men. " According to Shearman, recogniz-
able in the panorama in the background are the
mons Vaticanus (the Vatican hill), with the tow-
ers along the wall of Leo IV, and Saint Peter's
under construction. The cranes in the foreground,
symbols of vigilance, are contrasted with the
seagulls that allude to sin and apostasy. In the
lower border are two episodes in the life of
Giuliano de ' Medici (later, Pope Leo X) : on the
left, his arrival in Rome for the conclave; on the
right, the election of March 1 1, 1513. The border
was conceived to resemble a relief and was
executed in chiaroscuro. In Raphael's design,
the tapestry had a separately woven frieze on
the right, which Shearman identifies as the Four
Elements. The direct attribution of the cartoon
of The Miraculous Draught of Fishes to Rapha-
el is unanimous, while to Giovanni da Udine,
perhaps, belongs the invention of the group
of cranes in the foreground, as well as other
animalistic details. The prototype of the two fish-
ermen who pull in the nets is found in Michel-
angelo's cartoon for The Battle of Cascina.
According to Vasari, the lost cartoon for the lower
border was executed by Penni, as were those for
the lower borders of all the other tapestries. For
The Miraculous Draught of Fishes, Raphael seems
to have wavered between two compositional
ideas, both documented in a sheet — variously
attributed — in the Albertina (R 85) in Vienna.
On one side of the sheet, the composition is the
same as that adopted later for the tapestry, while,
on the reverse, Christ and the apostles are moved
to the background, and the spectators' attention
is concentrated on the apparently secondary
group of people left on the shore after the preach-
ing of the Redeemer. Raphael originated this ar-
rangement of relegating the principal event to the
background, and it remained a favorite compo-
sitional device, from 1514 to 1520. The painter
from Urbino, in fact, adopted it in the fresco of
The Fire in the Borgo ( in the Stanza dell' Incendio ) ,
and in The Transfiguration. Probably, though, it
was more suited to a single composition than to
a series, which, perhaps, explains why it was
not used for The Miraculous Draught of Fishes.

PIETER VAN AELST (active c. 1532), after a
cartoon by RAPHAEL (Urbino 1483-
Rome 1520)

18. BORDER, WITH THE SEASONS

Tapestry, in silk and wool, with silver-gilt threads
Overall: height, 15' 11 V\ b " (490cm), width,

31 '6 " (80 cm); original part: height, 15' 5 W

(472 cm), width, 25 V, 6 " (64 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 38671 A

In the reconstruction proposed by Shearman, this
border was located to the right of The Healing of
the Cripple. It portrays the sequence of the Four
Seasons characterized by the fruits produced by
nature. The two embracing young people at the
top, below the coat of arms, represent Spring;
the woman with the sheaf of wheat clearly is
Summer; while the putti climbing on the grape
vines symbolize Autumn. The group of the
shrouded, seated figure and Juno — borne aloft,
in flight, on a stormy cloud, surrounded by two
peacocks who serve to identify her, and by two
putti who are personifications of the Winds —
signifies Winter. According to Shearman, the al-
legorical theme that unites the borders (see cat.
no. 19) is the triumph of Virtue over Chance. The
Seasons allude, specifically, to the blind mani-
festations of the forces of nature, and express,
particularly, the preoccupation of the Medici that
is explained by their motto, "Le terns revient."

The cartoon of the tapestry is lost, but the
quality of the images and the freshness of inven-
tion point to Raphael, rather than to his work-
shop, as the author.

PIETER VAN AELST (active c. 1532), after a

cartoon by Raphael's workshop
19. BORDER, WITH THE HOURS

Tapestry, in silk and wool, with silver-gilt threads
Overall: height, 16 ' 4 'At " (498 cm), width,

31 Vs " (81 cm); original part: height, 16 ' 1 "Ae "

(492 cm), width, 30 "A 6 " (78 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 3878

This border was restored in 1982, partially pre-
serving the older repairs. In the case of the figure
of Night, where the weft was totally lacking, a
method of conservation was adopted whereby
the threads of the warp were fastened to a cloth
support that had been appropriately dyed and
then sewn onto the verso of the tapestry.

Shearman's reconstruction places this border
to the right of The Death of Ananias. Three
groups of two figures, each pair back to back,
represent the division of the day into the time
spans that determine its length — just as the suc-
cession of the Seasons determines the division of
the year. Above, Apollo and Diana sit on either
side of an architectural support, on top of which
is an hourglass. The base of the support is encir-
cled by a serpent biting its tail, another symbol
of time. Just below are the allegorical figures of
Day and Night, the latter recognizable by her dark
skin color and by the bat that she holds in her
left hand. Day and Night sit on a clock, supported
by a monumental candelabrum, probably — as
suggested by Arnold Nesselrath— one of those
in the Galleria dei Candelabri in the Vatican.
Beside them are two figures with cornucopias,
symbolic of the abundance produced by Time.

The cartoon of this border is lost, and no pre-
paratory drawings are known. The type of imag-

ery and its level of inventiveness would exclude
the direct participation of Raphael, who proba-
bly entrusted the entire work to his studio. The
hand of the young Perino del Vaga perhaps is
discernible in the telamon at the bottom.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. White and J. Shearman, "Raphael's
Tapestries and their Cartoons," in The Art Bulletin, XL,
1958, pp. 193-221, 299-323; L. Dussler, Raphael,
London-New York, 1971, pp. 101-8; J. Shearman,
Raphael's Cartoons and the Tapestries for the Sistine Chapel,
London-New York, 1972; P De Vecchi, Raffaello. La Pittura,
Florence, 1981, pp. 80-88.

THE

BELVEDERE

THE BEGINNING OF THE COLLECTION
OF CLASSICAL STATUES IN THE VATICAN

Francesco Albertini was the first to report on the
ancient statues in the Vatican in his Opusculum
de mirabilibus novae et veteris Urbis Romae. This
manuscript, dedicated to Julius II (1503-13), was
completed June 3, 1509, and was published in
1510. Albertini writes of the Apollo Belvedere: "What
may I say about the very beautiful statue of Apollo, which, if
I may say so, appears alive, and which your Beatitude trans-
ferred to the Vatican?" An earlier drawing of the statue (fig.
19) in the Codex Escurialensis includes a notation giving its
location "in the garden of San Pietro in Vincoli. " From 1471,
Giuliano della Rovere, the future Pope Julius II, had been
cardinal of the titular church of San Pietro in Vincoli, and, as
such, the owner of the statue. Nothing certain of its earlier
whereabouts can be determined. In any case, Andrea del
Castagno, who died in 1457, seems to have seen it, as demon-
strated by the figure of David that he painted on a leather
shield (now in the National Gallery of Art in Washington,
D.C.). The lack of references to the Apollo Belvedere in the
fifteenth and early sixteenth century may indicate that the
statue had been known for a long time, and that no one
remembered either the place or the time of its discovery —
unlike the Laocoon group, for example, which was discovered
on January 14, 1506, purchased by Julius II on March 23,
1506, and, in the same year, placed in the Cortile del Bel-
vedere. This is the only antique sculpture in the collection
of Julius II about whose provenance and installation his con-
temporaries reported in detail.

Apollo's connection to the Vatican goes back to the Liber
Pontificalis, a papal history in the form of sequentially or-
dered biographies of the bishops of Rome, which had been
begun in the sixth century and was expanded upon gradual-
ly over the years. There it is written that the Apostle Peter lies
buried "in the Sanctuary of Apollo, by the place where he
was crucified on the Vatican" (1, 1 18) . During the pontifi-

cate of Silvester I ( 3 14-3 5 ) , a basilica dedicated to the Apos-
tle Peter was erected by the Emperor Constantine "in the
Sanctuary of Apollo, which contains the coffin with the body
of Saint Peter (1, 176)." In his poem "Antiquaria Urbis," writ-
ten during the papacy of Julius II and published in 1513,
Andreas Fulvius expressly stated that the Vatican hill (fig. 22)
is sacred to Apollo: "Vaticanus apex, Phoebo sacratus, ubi
olim auguria hetrusci vates captare solebant" (v. 33). The de-
scription of the hill as the place "where Etruscan priests used
to watch for auguries" refers to the "Vaticinia" (or "proph-
ecies"), from which it is supposed that the "Vaticanus collis"
took its name. By placing the statue of Apollo in the Belvedere
Julius II provided visual expression for this tradition at the
Vatican, and, moreover, by directing Raphael to depict
Parnassus in the Stanza della Segnatura, he clarified how he
wished to have the tradition understood.

In 1508, Julius II commissioned Raphael to paint the
frescoes in the Stanza della Segnatura. Over the north win-
dow he represented Parnassus (fig. 20), with Apollo in the
center, surrounded by the nine Muses and various ancient
and modern poets. Above the fresco, next to the winged
personification of Poetry, is the motto "numine afflatur" ("suf-
fused by divine will"). This is a reference to a phrase from
WirgiV sAeneid (VI, 50), "adflata est numine" ("suffused with
the breath of the imminent god, Apollo") . In Julius's time, if
one opened the window below the fresco of Parnassus, one
looked out upon the Belvedere (fig. 21). Thus, Raphael's fres-
co of Parnassus refers to an actual presence on the other side
of the wall, to the ancient statue of Apollo on the Vatican
hill. The painting is a representation and an interpretation of
the Belvedere, revealing its significance to Julius II as mons
Parnassus, replete with the Delphic Apollo.

When Julius II learned of the discovery of a sculpture in
the Sette Sale, he immediately dispatched to the site his archi-
tect Giuliano da Sangallo, who recognized that this was the

Laocobn spoken of by Pliny in classical literature.

In explaining the work, the first reports from Rome also
referred to the second book of Virgil's Aeneid, in which Aeneas,
as a firsthand witness, relates the fate of the Trojan priest of
Apollo, Laocoon. For Aeneas, the death of Laocoon repre-
sented the first prodigium of the downfall of Troy, and he
understood it as a numen, a decisive act of the gods. Aeneas
imparts to Laocoon' s death a religious significance for the
course of Roman history. To Aeneas that history was merely
a series of fated events, guided by divine intervention, the
ultimate objective of which was his own mission to Rome,

the promised land. It is this theological interpretation of Roman
history and sovereignty that Jacopo Sadoleto evokes in his
poem celebrating the newly rediscovered Laocoon, in which
he praises the sculpture as "an image of divine art," a sym-
bol of the renewal of Rome, following the return of the popes
from Avignon, and of the reawakening of its ancient glory.
The rediscovered Laocoon was a welcome sign for Julius II,
one that symbolized the rebirth of Rome. He acquired the
sculpture in March, and on April 18,1 506, he laid the corner-
stone of the new Saint Peter's, the visible embodiment of
that spirit of renewal: "He will have charged that these very
images of Laocoon and his children be placed in the Vatican
for the perpetual remembrance of this accomplishment. " As
early as June 1, 1506, Cesare Trivulzio reported to his
brother Pomponio of the installation of the Laocoon in the
"Villetta di Belvedere, and he has had made for it a space like
a chapel," referring to the central niche in the south wall of the
Cortile between the Apollo and the Venus: Apollo, who always
accompanied Aeneas as an interpreter of the fata and a guide
to the promised land, and Venus as the matriarch of the Julian
line. Giuliano della Rovere was said to have called himself
Pope Julius after Caesar. Thus, Julius II believed that he was
fulfilling a divine mission to give the world a lasting order
through spiritual renewal just as Anchises, according to Virgil,
sent Aeneas on his way from Troy to carry out his mission for
Rome: "Bring peace to all men. " Julius II not only wished to
glorify the examples set by his ancestors, the founders of
Rome's former grandeur, but, especially, he strove to mea-
sure up to and even to surpass those ancestors. This ambi-
tion is most apparent in his plans for the new Saint Peter's.
Bramante, his architect, is supposed to have remarked that
the pope wished to pile the Pantheon on top of the vaults of
the Basilica of Maxentius, which, at that time, was consid-
ered a "temple of peace. " In 1506, then, the pope's idea of a
renewal materialized with this vast undertaking, even as the
newly recovered Laocoon reminded the pope of the cost in-
volved in obtaining objects of historical significance. In an
epigram affixed to the Laocoon immediately after the discov-
ery of the sculpture, the priest of Apollo, Laocoon, addressed
the pope: "If the example of my suffering is not enough for
you, Let the downfall of the Bentivoglio be a warning."

The entrance from Bramante's corridor into the Cortile
was inscribed "procul este, profani" ("Begone, ye unini-
tiated!"), a quote from Virgil's Aeneid (VI, 258). The Cumaean
Sibyl who calls out these words to Aeneas as he prepares to
descend into the underworld— to meet the shade of his father,
Anchises, who will show him in prophecy a vision of the
future Rome— is the one into whom Apollo breathed
"divining spirit. " Thus, the quotation "procul este, profani"
is the counterpart to, and the justification for, Raphael's motto
"numine afflatur" — inspired by the mantic spirit of the Del-
phic god Apollo, lord of Parnassus.

In his Cortile, Julius II sought to translate into reality
the landscape of Arcadia that Virgil discovered in the world

FIG. 19. THE APOLLO BELVEDERE. EARLY- 16th- FIG. 20. (OPPOSITE): RAPHAEL PARNASSUS

CENTURY COPY OF A LATE- 1 5th- CENTURY DRAWING FRESCO. 1 508-1 1 NORTH WALL

(FROM THE CODEX ESCURIALENSIS, FOLIO 53 r.) STANZA DELLA SEGNATURA '

of the imagination. Since Arcadian life took place far from
the hurly-burly of mankind, ordinary mortals were denied
access to it. Nonetheless, when, on April 18, 1510, the ambas-
sador of the Venetian Republic, Girolamo Donato, was ush-
ered into the Belvedere for an audience with Julius II, he
found the pope planting trees, and, during the interview, the
pontiff continued his activity. In such a garden, antique stat-
ues appear out of context, and, instead, take on a metaphorical
significance. Ancient gods become mere abstractions, stripped
of their original primeval quality. What remains is only that
aspect of their identity that is compatible with a continued
existence in a Christian setting: Apollo embodies poetry and
the imagination; Venus, all-encompassing love; and Laocoon,
sensitivity and suffering. During this same period (1508-12),
Michelangelo was commissioned by Julius II to fresco the
ceiling of the Sistine Chapel with his classical depiction of
the Sibyls. These five seers take their place alongside the seven
prophets of the Old Testament in presaging the coming
salvation.

The successor of Julius II, Leo X (1513-21), born
Giovanni de' Medici, son of Lorenzo the Magnificent, who
"considered] not least those undertakings that lead to the
advance of science and the fine arts," explained, through his
secretary, Jacopo Sadoleto, the importance of such activity;
he assures us that "the Creator has vouchsafed nothing more
significant or more useful to mankind, aside from the wor-
ship of His divinity, than those studies that serve to beautify

and ennoble human existence, but are in every particular
practical and useful: comforting in adversity as well as bene-
ficial and honorable in prosperity, the more so inasmuch as
without them we lack all of life's charm and all communal
coherence. "

After the Sack of Rome in 1527, the seated figure signed
by Apollonios must have been added to the sculpture court.
It owes its name, the Belvedere Torso, to its fragmentary condi-
tion and to its location — although until the end of the nine-
teenth century no one doubted that it was a representation
of Hercules. One hundred years before, between 1432 and
143 5, Cyriacus of Ancona had seen this sculpture and copied
the artist's signature on the stone.

It was Michelangelo, however, who first made the Torso
famous. He described himself as a disciple of the Belvedere
Torso, and often spoke of having studied it intensively, as the
Genoese painter Giovanni Battista Paggi reported. Deferring
to Michelangelo's authority regarding the Torso, Gian Lorenzo
Bernini quotes him as having said of it: "Truly this was creat-
ed by a man who was wiser than Nature! Pity that it is a
torso. " A glance at the Sistine Chapel frescoes shows to what
degree Michelangelo drew inspiration from the Belvedere Torso;
his seated figures are variations and elaborations upon the
theme. Never did he copy or imitate it superficially, but his
concern was to penetrate to the essence of the original, in
spirit, as expressed in the figure of the Prophet Jonas above
the Last Judgment. Vasari writes: "Michelangelo needed to

FIG. 21. PERINO del VAGA. THE BELVEDERE, AS SEEN FROM THE STANZA DELIA SEGNATURA.
FRESCO. 1537-41. ROME, CASTEL SANTANGELO

FIG. 22. AFTER MARIO CARTARO. BIRD'S-EYE PERSPECTIVE OF THE VATICAN,
SHOWING THE STANZE {LEFT) AND THE VILLA DEL BELVEDERE (RIGHT).
ENGRAVING. 1574. NEW YORK, THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART

see the works of others only once in order to grasp them
fully, and to use them in such a way that no one was aware
of it. " In spite of various suggestions for its restoration that
are reflected, for example, in numerous small bronzes of the
sixteenth century, the Torso is the only sculpture among the
celebrated antiquities of the Belvedere that has remained
unrestored. After the Torso was given a place in the center of
the sculpture court, and was left there unrestored, it became
a symbol of past greatness from antiquity.

The Apollo and the Torso, therefore, are milestones in the
early history of the Vatican Museums. The statue of Apollo
embodies the mantic tradition perpetuated since time imme-
morial on this spot depicted by Raphael, in the fashion of his
time, as Parnassus.

At first, sculptures from antiquity were assembled on
the site, to enhance the home of the Pontifex Maximus in an
Arcadian landscape of his own creation. The placement of
the Torso in the center of this garden represented a change in
the concept of the Belvedere sculpture court. Since it ap-
peared that no one could be found to complete the Torso, its
incompleteness became the initial cause of its fame. As a
relic from antiquity that could not be completed, it assumed
an exemplary value and significance. Michelangelo saw in
the fragment a "divinitas" of natural beauty, a divine spark
that still infused the ancient work. The Torso, which survived

the Counter Reformation untouched, as the only fragmen-
tary and unrestored sculpture in the collection, became a
symbol of the frailty of earlier greatness. As a reminder of
vanitas, of the transience of everything earthly and temporal,
it remained in its place during the second half of the six-
teenth century, while the statues in the niches were hidden
behind wooden screens. In spite of their fame, the sculptures
left in the Cortile del Belvedere settled, like Sleeping Beauty,
into a sleep of two centuries, to be brought back to a new life
only in the second half of the eighteenth century with the
establishment of the Museo Pio-Clementino.

Georg Daltrop*

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Michaelis, "Geschichte des Statuenhofes im vaticanischen
Belvedere," in Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archaologischen Institute, 5, 1890, pp. 5-72,
which includes a compilation of all the important publications in chronological order;
R. Lanciani, Scavi di Roma I, Rome, 1902, pp. 154-57; E. Steinmann, Die Sixtinische
Kapelle, II, Munich, 1905, pp. 75-79; J. S. Ackerman, The Cortile del Belvedere, Studi e
documenti per la storia del Palazzo Apostolico Vaticano 111, Vatican City, 1954; W Lotz, in
Kunstchronik, 11, 1958, pp. 96-100; H.H. Brummer, The Statue Court in the Vatican
Belvedere (Stockholm Studies in the History of Art, 20), Stockholm, 1970.

*My original text and notes (dedicated to Max Wegner) will be published in Boreas
(Miinstersche Beitrage zur Archaologie 6), 1983.

THE APOLLO BELVEDERE

Roman copy, c.a.d. 130-40, after a Greek bronze
original, c. 330 b.c, attributed to Leochares

Parian marble, with possible traces of original
pigment in the hair

Total height, 88 Vie" (224 cm), height of base,
3 'Vie " (10 cm), height of head and neck, 15 V 4 "
(40 cm); width, 46 l h " (118 cm); depth, 30 Vie "
(77 cm)

Museo Pio-Clementino, Cortile Ottagono, Inv. no.
1015

The statue is completely preserved except for
parts of both forearms and the two hands, with
their attributes. The right upper arm, the legs
below the knees and above the ankles, the lower
part of the support, the base between the feet
and in front of the left foot, as well as the ends
of the cloak draped on either side of the left
forearm are broken. Also damaged are the hair;
the lower part of the border of the cloak; the
top of the support; the bottom of the quiver;
and the back, between the shoulder blades,
where a hole was made (now filled in) for the
iron rod that, from 1511 to 1981, secured the
statue to the base and to the wall.

The provenance is unknown, yet the good
condition of the statue suggests that it was never
buried. At the end of the fifteenth century, it
stood in the garden of San Pietro in Vincoli (Codex
Escurialensis, fol. 53 r.); early in the sixteenth
century, after the beginning of Julius II's pon-
tificate (1503), but, at the latest, before 1509, it
was placed in the sculpture court of the Bel-
vedere, on the very spot where it customarily
stands today. At the request of Clement VII, it
was restored in 1532 by Giovanni Angelo
Montorsoli, who had been recommended to the
pope by Michelangelo (G.Vasari, Le Vite, 1568,
Milanesi ed., VI, Florence, 1878, pp. 632-33).
Montorsoli restored the left hand, altered the
right forearm with an open hand turned away

from the body, and lengthened the support so
that the right hand could rest on it (this hand
had been attached, originally, to the upper thigh,
as evidenced by the surviving puntello, or brace) .
From the second half of the sixteenth century
until 1770, the statue was hidden behind a
wooden partition placed over its niche in the
Cortile. It was taken to Paris, where it remained
from 1798 until 1816. In 1924-25, under B.
Nogara, the additions by Montorsoli were
removed by Guido Galli. Since 1981, the Apollo
again has been freestanding; by fitting the breaks
together more accurately it has been made per-
fectly upright (the statue now leans back some
two inches at the level of the head).

Apollo, here, is a mature man, poised in mid-
stride, his left arm extended forward, his head
turned at a right angle to the direction of his
movement. The open quiver filled with arrows
refers to the bow that Apollo once carried in his
left hand, and suggests that he held an arrow in
his lowered right hand. The bow was probably
quite large (kXvtoto^os), so that its lower tip
rested on the base — to which an ancient depres-
sion in the plinth might attest. The support in
the form of a tree trunk with laurel leaves and
remains of fillets may well be an addition of the
copyist; the small snake coiling upward suggests
as much.

The composition unifies the movement and
torsion of the statue. The weight of the body
rests on the slightly advanced right foot, while
only the toes of the left foot touch the ground.
The flow of movement is restrained by the posi-
tion of the left arm. As in classical contrapposto,
the free leg corresponds to the active arm. The
torsion of the figure and the boldly advancing
open pose, however, distinguish it from the con-
tained compositions of Polykleitos. Among sur-
viving sculpture from antiquity, the degree of
immediacy of this representation, and its spirit
of permanence in the face of all that is transitory,

are unique to the Apollo Belvedere — a creation
of the end of the classic period in Greece, the
time of Alexander the Great.

The original was undoubtedly of bronze. The
distinctive style, of which the marble copy is
only a reflection, has led scholars to associate it
with a leading Attic master, Leochares. A statue
of Apollo by him is mentioned in Pausanias
(1.3.4) as having stood in the Athenian Agora,
in front of the temple of Apollo Patroos, as a
counterpart to a statue of Apollo Alexikakos
— the deflector of evil — made by Kalamis after
the plague of 430 b.c. The nobility of the Apollo
Belvedere would seem to fit such an identification.

The Apollo Belvedere embodies the Apollonian
ideal of the Greeks. Since the sixteenth century,
it has lived on in countless copies, imitations,
variations, quotations, parodies, and caricatures,
as well as in illustrations and reproductions. On
the occasion of the purchase of the Parthenon
sculptures by England, the House of Commons
exalted the Apollo as the standard of all art. The
ultimate praise was expressed by Johann Joa-
chim Winckelmann: "The statue of Apollo is
the highest ideal of art among all the works of
antiquity to have survived destruction."

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. Amelung, Die Sculpturen des vatican-
ischen Museums, II, Berlin, 1903, pp. 256-69, no. 92, pi.
12; W. Helbig, Fuhrer dutch die offentlichen Sammlungen
klassischer Altertiimer in Rom: Die Pdpstlichen Sammlungen
im Vatikan und Lateran, I, 4th ed., Tubingen, 1963, no.
226; G. Galli, in Rendicontidella PontificiaAccademia Romana
di Archeologia, 3, 1924-25, pp. 473-74, ills. 3-4; G.
Daltrop, "Zur Uberlieferung und Restaurierung des Apoll
vom Belvedere," in Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia
Romana di Archeologia, 48, 1975/76, pp. 127-40; idem,
"Zum Attribut in der rechten Hand des Apoll vom
Belvedere," in Greece and Italy in the Classical World (Acta
of the XI International Congress of Classical Archaeology,
London, 1978 [1979]), pp. 224-25; O. R. Deubner, "Der
Gott mit dem-Bogen: das Problem des Apollo im Belve-
dere," in Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archdologischen Instituts,
94, 1979, pp. 223-44.

THE BELVEDERE TORSO

Athens, mid-lst century b.c.
Parian marble

Height, 62 Vs (159 cm); width, 33 Vie" (84 an);

depth, 34 V 4 " (87 cm)
Museo Pio-Clementino, Sala delleMuse,

Inv. no. 1192

The Torso remained unrestored in post- Classic
times. The head and chest, both arms, and both
legs (the right one above the knee, the left one
below it) are broken off. Both buttocks were
pieced on, as the roughened surfaces, with their
dowel holes, indicate (the iron dowels were re-
moved in 1923). Among other areas, the two
upper thighs were damaged. Virtually none of
the antique surface of the marble remains.

The Torso probably was never buried. Its prov-
enance is unknown, although, between 1432
and 1435, Cyriacus of Ancona copied the artist's
signature from this "figura que dicitur Herculis,"
then in the possession of Cardinal Prospero
Colonna. An Umbrian painter made a drawing
of the Torso about 1500, noting that it belonged
to the sculptor Andrea Bregno. Between 1532
and 1 5 3 5 , Maarten van Heemskerck sketched it
in the sculpture court of the Belvedere. At the
beginning of the eighteenth century, for pro-
tection, it was brought into the fountain house
in the "Stanza del Torso" (the southern arm of
what is now the Sala degli Animali) ; it was pos-
sibly set up in the Vestibolo Rotondo of the
Clementine museum in 1773, and from 1784
to 1973, aside from the years of its exile in Paris
(1798-1816), its place was in the center of the
Vestibolo Quadrato, also known as the Atrio del
Torso.

The powerful body of a man of advanced age
is seated on a rock. The upper torso bends
forward, to the right, as the body turns left. The
right arm was lowered, perhaps leaning on the
thigh, while the left arm was raised at the side-
correspondingly, the left leg extended forward
and the right one somewhat back. The animal
skin spread over the stone seat with its head lying
on the left thigh was commonly thought to be
a lion's skin until the end of the nineteenth
century, so that the identification of the Her-
culean figure as Hercules himself seemed plau-
sible. Since it is, in fact, the skin of a panther, the
figure is more closely related to either Dionysos,
a satyr, or even to Marsyas. Other suggestions
have included Skiron, Polyphemus, Philoktetes,
and Prometheus, or a mythical athlete — for
example, the boxer Amykos — although none
of the identifications is as convincing and as
appropriate as the original one: Hercules.

The artist's signature appears on the front of
the stone seat: "Apollonios, son of Nestor, the
Athenian, created [this work]." His style is
marked by an elemental strength and a pro-
nounced, elastic vitality. The complexity of move-
ment is mirrored in the construction of the figure.
The contrapposto composition has been pushed
to its limits, as expressed in the powerful model-
ing of the muscles. The style of the artist's
signature — and of the work itself — points to the
last century of the Roman Republic. Because
the name occurred frequently in this period, one
cannot automatically identify the Apollonios
who sculpted the Torso with the one who created
the Capitoline Jupiter.

The meaning of a sculpture is intimately tied

to one's interpretation of it. If, as Winckelmann
did, one sees "expressed in this Hercules here
before us how he purified himself with fire from
the dross of humankind, and achieved immor-
tality and a seat among the gods," then a
sacred setting might have been intended for the
statue. Nonetheless, the large number of works
with analogous inscriptions that survived from
the period of the Belvedere Torso suggests that art-
ists at that time, above all Athenians, worked
for the Roman art market. Classical models set
the tone, then, so that we cannot be certain
whether a statue was created for a "sacral" exis-
tence or the "profane" sphere of connoisseur-
ship and taste.

It took the artistic sensitivity of Michelangelo
to rediscover the Torso, and to accord it its proper
status. Some 250 years later, the same Winckel-
mann who sought to free himself from the Ba-
roque chose a "Baroque" sculpture from antiq-
uity on which to lavish his masterly descriptions.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. Amelung, Die Sculpturen des Vatican-
ischen Museums, II, Berlin, 1903, pp. 9-20, no. 3, pi. 2; W.
Helbig, Fuhrer durch die offentlichen Sammlungen klas-
sischer Altertiimer in Rom: Die Pdpstlichen Sammlungen im
Vatikan und Lateran. I, 4th ed., Tubingen, 1963, no. 265;
A. Schmitt, "Romische Antikensammlungen im Spiegel
eines Musterbuchs der Renaissance," in Munchner Jahr-
buch der bildenden Kunst, 21, 1970, pp. 107-13, ill. 2;
C. Schwinn, Die Bedeutung des Torso vom Belvedere fur
Theorie und Praxis der bildenden Kunst vom 16. Jahr-
hundert bis Winckelmann, Bern, 1973; G. Saflund, "The
Belvedere Torso," in Opuscula Romana, XI, 6, 1976, pp. 63-
84; L. Eckhart, "Zum Torso vom Belvedere," in Greece and
Italy in the Classical World (Acta of the XI International
Congress of Classical Archaeology, London, 1978 [1979] ),
p. 225.

THE

TREASURY

SAINT PETERS

The Treasury of Saint Peter's, or
what remains of it, is the repos-
itory for those vestments and
sacred objects (fig. 23) created
for liturgical use and donated
over the centuries by visitors to
Rome, who came to venerate the apostle's
tomb. The Treasury's history begins with the
very foundation of the basilica by Constantine,
early in the fourth century. The account in
the Liber Pontificalis of the quantity and rich-
ness of the sacred furnishings with which
Constantine and his successors endowed the
church cannot fail to amaze us. Yet, the gen-
erosity of its donors was offset by the greed
of its plunderers. The history of the Treasury
of Saint Peter's is the story of barbaric deeds
as well as of the devotion and generosity of the faithful, who
attempted to restore what had been lost. First to be looted
was the basilica's Sacristy, as recorded in the Liber Pontificalis;
the act was perpetrated by Julian the Apostate. Subsequent
plunderers were Alaric in 410; the Visigoths in 545; the
Longobards in 731; the Saracens in 846; and, in 1084, the
Normans, led by Robert Guiscard. During the High Middle
Ages, the atrium and portico of the basilica frequently were
the scenes of battle and pillage by rival factions among Roman
patrician families, with disastrous consequences for the
Treasury.

Unfortunate, too, was the schism that led the papacy to
abandon Rome for a long exile in Avignon; yet, it was no
less devastating than the civil warfare of the early fifteenth
century, during which Saint Peter's was repeatedly sacked;
in 1413, the troops of Ladislas of Naples even stabled their
horses inside the basilica.

The pacification of the Church and the return of the

popes from Avignon coincided with an influx
of new gifts, but the Sack of Rome of 1527,
by the imperial Landsknechts, was a further
setback. During the Napoleonic period, French
commissaries once more plundered and scat-
tered the basilica's treasures. The direptio gallica
was no less complete and destructive than
the direptio germanica of 1527. Whatever lit-
tle was saved or recovered resulted from the
initiative of a handful of canons.

Until the end of the last century, even
though the liturgical objects in the basilica
occupied only two small rooms, among the
treasures was the altar garniture by Gentili
(see cat. nos. 22-23). The Treasury was ex-
panded in 1909, and rearranged in 1949, but
it was not until 1975, with the introduction of
such monumental works as the Sarcophagus of Junius Bassus,
and the tomb of Sixtus IV by Pollaiuolo, that the Vatican
Chapter organized its exceptional treasures, according to the
latest museological criteria, adopting the most advanced means
to ensure the conservation of its collections.

All the existing areas to the right of the Sacristy by Mar-
chionni (of 1686), including the Cappella dei Beneficiati and
its Sacristy, were newly installed in 1975. This installation was
designed and carried out by the architect Franco Minissi, who
preserved the original character of the chapel and its Sacristy,
achieving a clear distinction between the primary architectural
space and the secondary museum space. He eliminated direct
lighting in the new rooms and suppressed the formal values of
the spaces occupied by the objects on exhibition, making the
objects themselves the focal points of the Treasury Museum.

Ennio Francia

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Lipinsky, // Tesoro di S. Pietro, guida-inventario, Vatican City, 1950;
F. S. Orlando, // Tesoro di San Pietro, Milan, 1958.

FIG. 23. CRUX VATICAN A.
BYZANTINE, 6th CENTURY.
TREASURY OF SAINT PETER'S

22-23

ANTONIO GENTILI (c. 1519-1609)
ALTAR CROSS AND CANDLESTICKS

Goldsmith 's work by Gentili

Rock crystals by Giovanni Bernardi (1496-1553)

andMuzio de Grandis (c. 1525-c. 1596)
Rome, completed 1582
Silver gilt, rock crystal, and lapis lazuli
Height: cross, 76 " (193 cm); candlesticks, 39 Vs"

(100 cm)
Reverenda Capitolo di San Pietro

Antonio Gentili's fame as one of the foremost
Renaissance goldsmiths is derived almost entire-
ly from this magnificent altar garniture. The cross
and candlesticks were commissioned by Cardi-
nal Alessandro Farnese (1520-1589) for the
high altar of Saint Peter's and installed in 1582.
An anonymous 'Awiso da Roma" states that
they took four years of continuous work, were
valued at 18,000 scudi — including 6,500 scudi
for the workmanship — and were inaugurated
on the morning of Pentecost, when Cardinal
Farnese himself sang the Mass.

Cardinal Farnese had long outlived the reign
of his uncle, Pope Paul III (1534-49), yet he
had the cross embellished with his uncle's coat
of arms and devices, while his own appear on
the candlesticks. In her recent study, Anna Beatriz
Chadour explains how these heraldic motifs have
both christological and dynastic bearings. Thus,
one of the imprese on the candlesticks shows
the ship Argo slipping past the treacherous
Symplegades — a classical metaphor for salvation,
as well as for the Farnese family's fortunes. So,
too, aside from being the preeminent Farnese
devices, the lilies and unicorns lavishly employed
in the decoration of all three pieces have im-
memorial Christian associations.

Among the sixteen rock crystals, framed
against lapis lazuli, those on the cross are en-
graved with scenes of the Passion, while the crys-
tals on the candlesticks depict the miracles per-
formed by Christ. One crystal (with the Healing
of Jairus's Daughter) is signed by Muzio de
Grandis, Gentili's contemporary, but Chadour
believes that the majority were engraved, decades
earlier, by the much-better- known Giovanni
Bernardi, and that they were saved by Cardinal
Farnese for this special purpose.

The base of the cross is four sided; the crucifix
slides onto it by means of its shaft, which is
concealed and, thus, unadorned, except for
Gentili's signature. On the back, each of the
roundels on the arms of the crucifix has one of
the four Doctors of the Church, with the Ascen-
sion of the Virgin in the center plaque. The
crowning rock crystal on the front, over the
corpus, shows the Resurrection. The imagery in
the lower registers methodically builds up to this,
as to a triumphant climax — from the tortuous-
ly strained Michelangelesque figures of slaves
at the bottom, to the seated Evangelists, the
putti holding instruments of the Passion, and,
finally, to the Victories supporting the crucifix.
The figural decoration of the three-sided candle-
sticks reads in a similar upward progression,
from earthbound slavedom, through the un-
identified prophets and Sybils, up to the cary-

atids with laurel wreaths. Possibly, there is a
play upon the resemblance between the Italian
words cariatide and caritd (or "charity"), as the
maidens also have infants sporting at their feet.

Gentili undoubtedly needed workshop assist-
ance to complete these compositions teeming
with figures. Splendid as the designs are, there
are discernible differences in quality in the three
pieces, the best executed being the cross. The
corpus probably is based upon a model by
Guglielmo della Porta (died 1577), a sculptor
often employed by the Farnese.

Almost a century later, in 1671, the cross and
candlesticks received attention from another
papal nephew, Cardinal Francesco Barberini. He
contributed four additional candlesticks, made
by Carlo Spagna, still in the Vatican Treasury.
They follow Gentili's in outline, but are more
Baroque in detail. The expansion of the set was
necessary for greater visibility beneath the showy
baldacchino that Bernini provided for the high
altar. So that the cross would continue to
dominate, it was raised slightly by inserting two
bands of ornament, featuring the Barberini bees,

above and below the Victories. The entire set of
seven, normally shown in the Treasury Muse-
um of Saint Peter's, is used only upon rare
occasions — most recently, at the coronation of
Pope John Paul II.

J. D. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. B. Chadour, 'Antonio Gentili und
der Altarsatz von St. Peter," Ph.D. dissertation, Miinster,
1980; W. Gramberg, "Notizen zu den Kruzifixen des
Guglielmo della Porta und zurEntstehungsgeschichte des
Hochaltarkreuzes in S. Pietro in Vaticano," in Munchner
Jahrbuch fur Kunstgeschichte, 32, 1981, pp. 95-114.

22 (back of cross)

SEBASTIANO TORRIGIANI (died 1596)
SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL

Rome, c. 1585
Gilt bronze

Height, 34 l A" (87.6 cm)
Reverenda Capitolo di San Pietro

These imposing figures of the two apostles
have not been studied thoroughly. Assertions
exist concerning them, but with no documenta-
ry confirmation. According to Gaetano Moroni
(Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastica, IX,
Venice, 1841, p. 70), they were presented to Saint
Peter's by Pope Gregory XIII, who died in April
1585. Monsignor G. Cascioli (Guida al Tesoro di
S. Pietro, Rome, 1925, p. 22) stated, without
giving sources, that the statues were made in
1585 by Sebastiano Torrigiani, along with a set
of six candlesticks in gilt bronze ordered by Greg-
ory XIII; that they were restored in 161 1 by Pietro
Gentili (son of Antonio, maker of the silver-gilt
candlesticks and altar cross shown in catalogue
numbers 22-23); and that they were restored
again, by order of Cardinal Francesco Barberini,
in 1692. They did, indeed, acquire Baroque bases
adorned with the Barberini bees and dated 1692.
Yet, since at least the late seventeenth century,
Saint Peter and Saint Paul have been associated
more with the Gentili altar set than with the
Torrigiani candlesticks (also in the Treasury of
Saint Peter's).

The more one learns of Sebastiano Torrigiani,
the more his main role appears to have been

that of founder rather than sculptor. He was the
son-in-law of Guglielmo della Porta, several of
whose later works he cast, and he became head
of the Vatican foundry, according to G. Baglione
(Le Vite de'pittori, scultori et architetti, Rome,
1642, p. 323). He made the casts of the colossal
statues of Saints Peter and Paul atop the col-
umns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius, following
models by other sculptors, but the poses of
those figures show only a generic resemblance
to the present ones. Busts of Gregory XIII and
Sixtus V in Berlin-Dahlem used to be attributed
to Torrigiani on the basis of Baglione' s statement
that Torrigiani made the bust of Sixtus V now in
the cathedral of Treia. Recent scholarship,
however, tends to assign the models for the Ber-
lin busts to Taddeo Landini, best known as au-
thor of the Fontana delle Tartarughe in Rome
(U. Schlegel, in Bildwerke der christlichen Epochen
. . .aus den Bestdnden der Skulpturenabteilung
. . . Berlin-Dahlem, Munich, 1966, nos. 588-589).
The massed draperies and graphic literalness of
the Vatican saints are found in much Counter-
Reformation sculpture before the onset of the
Baroque. Yet, it must be said that their physi-
ognomies have a biting acerbity that relates them
fairly well to the busts claimed for Torrigiani
and/or Landini.

J. D. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. S. Orlando, // Tesoro di San Pietro,
Milan, 1958, pp. 90-91.

A-M. THE VESTMENTS OF

CLEMENT VIII (1592-1605)

c. 1593-97

The vestments of Clement VIII, named for the
pontiff to whom they were given, about 1597,
comprise one altar frontal, a cope with its orna-
mental clasp, a chasuble, two dalmatics, two
stoles, a maniple for the celebrant and two for
the deacons, a case for the corporal, a chalice
veil, and three missal covers. The bruste de camici
(or "surplice cases"), mentioned in the payment
records, were scattered; they still existed in 1930,
although they were reassembled to form what,
in the inventories, is referred to as a faldstool.
Also lost is the "gold and silk tapestry [panno]
with the Last Supper," perhaps made as an altar-
piece, documented, as well, by the records of
payment (C. Conti, 1875, pp. 58-59).

The technique used to produce these vestments
appears to have been rather unusual: all were
woven as tapestries, in silk, with gold and silver
(silver-gilt) threads; the warps are silk, with ten
to thirteen threads per centimeter. To judge from
the minimal damage that they have undergone,
and from the brightness of their colors, it would
seem that the vestments were hardly used; the
last pontiff to have done so might have been
Benedict XIII, who wore them on January 22,
1726 (P. Gentili, 1874, p. 40). The first docu-
mented restoration was in 1789, and their
absence, at that time, from the Sistine Chapel
treasury perhaps prevented the tapestries from
being taken to Paris by Napoleon's commission-
ers. It is likely that on that occasion — or, more

probably, in 1870, when they were displayed at
the "Esposizione Romana" (L'Esposizione Ro-
mana, 1870, p. 22) — the fronts and backs of
the two dalmatics and of the chasuble were
separated, in order to display them side by side.
In 1935, Monsignor Zampini, sacristan of the
apostolic palaces, removed the vestments from
the treasury of the Sistine Chapel, entrusting the
Vatican Library to exhibit them to the public. In
1964, following a rearrangement, some of the
vestments were transferred to the care of the
Vatican Museums, which already had received
the altar frontal (restored in 1957). All the other
pieces were restored between 1978 and 1981,
by the Vatican Museums' tapestry conservation
studio, for their American exhibition.

The history of the origins of this set of vest-
ments is known to us, in part, through the docu-
ments published by C. Conti (1875, pp. 106-7),
which mention that the vestments were commis-
sioned by Ferdinand I, Grand Duke of Tuscany.
However, the idea of presenting the pope with a
gift of particular significance had begun much be-
fore Ferdinand became grand duke, as deduced
from a document published by Detlef Heikamp
("Die Arazzeria Medicea im 16. Jahrhundert:
Neue Studien," in Munchner Jahrbuch der
bildenden Kunst, XX, 1969, p. 74), without re-
ferring, specifically, to this set of vestments. In
a letter from Rome dated December 27, 1577,
Ferdinand, then a cardinal, wrote to his brother
Francesco, Grand Duke of Tuscany, informing
him of a conversation with Gregory XIII in
which the pope had reminded him of Francesco's
promise to donate a series of tapestries for the
Sistine Chapel, since those by Raphael only could
be used on "happy" occasions, not for Advent
and Lent. There were to be seven tapestries in
all. The subject was to be the Passion, and Vasari
had been chosen to provide the cartoons. For

reasons unknown to us, the project was never
realized, despite the fact that the pope, himself,
was ready personally to pay the cost, if the grand
duke decided not to honor his pledge. Upon
the death of Francesco, his brother Ferdinand,
once again a layman, became grand duke and
married Christine of Lorraine, and the project
was revived — although the recipient of the gift,
in the meantime, had changed — all the more so,
since the new pope, an Aldobrandini, came from
a family with Florentine origins. The commis-
sion to weave the vestments was entrusted to
Guasparri di Bartolomeo Papini, chief weaver
at the Medici manufactory, who then purchased
the necessary gold and silver on April 30, 1593.
Alessandro Allori was chosen to execute the
cartoons, which he delivered before January 4,
1595, the recorded date of payment. The work,
which progressed rapidly, clearly was accom-
plished by more than one weaver. On May 31,
1595, Papini was paid for the cope, two "surplice
cases," and the "tapestry of the Last Supper."
As to the other items, it is probable that they
were completed by the spring of 1597. In fact,
according to a document published by Conti
(1875, p. 60),onJune21, 1597, an expenditure
is recorded for a set of vestments composed of a
chasuble and two "tonacelle," which — bearing
in mind that, in form, there is no clear-cut dis-
tinction between a dalmatic and a tonicella —
could be that given to Clement VIII. A date rela-
tively close to this is suggested by a memorandum
to Ferdinand I, of October 23, 1595, in which
Girolamo S. Jacopi speaks of the possibility of
finishing the work in a year. The memo also
asked for instruction regarding the placement
of the papal and grand-ducal arms, with their
Medici and Medici -Lorraine charges, to which
Ferdinand replied: "Leave enough space in order
to make the small arms of His Highness, below,

but do not make the coat of arms of the pontiff
yet" (C. Conti, 1875, pp. 106-7). The arms on
the cope and the altar frontal had already been
executed, but they did not conform to the wishes
of the grand duke; consequently, those areas in
question were cut out and, as on the other vest-
ments, only later were the desired arms sewn
on. On the two dalmatics and on the chasuble,
evidently still being worked on at the time, spaces
were left for the papal coats of arms, with only
the warp in place, below which a Medici shield,
without the Lorraine arms, was woven. Of the
vestments, that worn by the pope — namely, the
chasuble — was the only item on which the sim-
ple Medici shield was retained, while the arms
on the other two chasubles on which heraldic
shields were sewn combined Medici and Lor-
raine arms.

The use of shields uniting Medici and Lorraine
bearings was a very common practice dating to
the sixteenth century, but it might also indicate
— as suggested by the document of 1595 — that
the tapestry was a gift not only of the grand
duke, but of his wife, Christine, as well.

The iconography of the set is extremely
complex, and it is probable that the program
was drawn up by a theologian at the Medici
court — possibly by Ferdinand, himself. The over-
all imagery suggests that the vestments were
made to be used primarily during Holy Week. It
was not mere accident that, until the last centu-
ry (D. Farabulini, 1884, p. 83), the altar frontal
was placed before the altar of the Sistine Chap-
el on Holy Thursday. However, the complexity
of the individual motifs and of their combined
significance allowed for the vestments to be worn
also on different occasions, such as when Bene-
dict XIII used them on January 22, 1726. The
dominant decorative motif of the altar frontal is
an elaboration of the Eucharistic theme, which

is most apparent in the central imagery: the dead
Christ interpreted as the Eucharistic body. In the
scene of Christ in the Garden of Olives, on the
chasuble, Jesus receives the chalice from the
hands of an angel, thus underscoring the Eucha-
ristic moment of this episode. On the cope, as
well, Eucharistic subject matter prevails, spe-
cifically, in the scene of the Sacrifice of Isaac,
an event that presages the bloody sacrifice of
Christ, and in the image of Melchizedek, whose
bloodless sacrifice of the bread and wine pre-
figures the Last Supper.

In all probability the presence of marian epi-
sodes on one of the dalmatics and, perhaps more
significantly, on the altar frontal is a reference
to the place for which they were made — that is,
to the Sistine Chapel, dedicated to Our Lady of
the Assumption.

The attribution to Allori of the cartoons for
all the vestments is documented, and even those
for the altar frontal — for which records of pay-
ment are still missing — may be assigned to him
on the basis of their evident stylistic connection.
As official painter to the Medici court, Allori
designed cartoons for the Florentine tapestry
manufactory from 1575 to about 1598. In this
set, and particularly in the panel with the dead
Christ, the influence of Bronzino, who was
Allori's teacher and friend, is distinctly apparent,
while, less explicit than in other works, and me-
diated by Francesco Salviati, are the influences
of Michelangelo and Raphael — seen, above all,
in the images on the cope. The antique refer-
ences in some of the representations, such as in
the Descent into Limbo, probably are due to the
rarity with which many of the scenes were
portrayed and to the difficulty of finding related
compositional prototypes other than, perhaps,
in miniatures. The results of this choice — based
on the iconographic needs of the design pro-

gram and, also, on the repertory of ornament
available — are somewhat archaic, for, although
maintaining the richness and inventiveness
typical of Florentine Late Mannerism, they are
marked by a relative sobriety that comes from
the necessary adherence to a fixed subject matter.

Fabrizio Mancinelli

BIBLIOGRAPHY: E Gentili, Sulla manifattura degli arazzi.
Cenni Storici, Rome, 1874, pp. 40-41; C. Conti, Ricerche
storiche sull'arte degli arazzi in Firenze, Florence, 1875, pp.
19, 58-60, 106-7; D. Farabulini, L'Arte degli Arazzi e la
nuova Galleria dei Gobelins al Vaticano, Rome, 1884; H.
Goebel, Wandteppiche, 1, II, Leipzig, 1928, p. 387.

GUASPARRI DI BARTOLOMEO PAPINI,

after a cartoon by Alessandro Allori
(1535-1607)
25 A. ALTAR FRONTAL

Florence, c. 1593-97
Tapestry, in silk, with silver-gilt threads
Height, 40'/ s " (102 cm); width, 141 '//« " (371 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2780

The weft is of silk, with silver-gilt threads; the
warp, of three-ply white silk, with ten to thirteen
threads per centimeter. The condition is good.
During the 1957 restoration of the tapestry, it
was ascertained that, originally, in place of the
papal shield, there had been Medici-Lorraine
coats of arms, surmounted by the grand-ducal
crown, above another, unidentifiable coat of
arms. These two coats of arms were cut away
and replaced by the current ones, woven with a
white warp.

At the center of the altar frontal is the dead
Christ, supported by two angels: in the fore-
ground is a basin containing the crown of thoms

and the nails of his martyrdom; in the back-
ground is an altar with a chalice. The presence
of the altar and the angels indicates that this is a
melismos, traditional in Byzantine iconography
(cf. R. Hamman MacLean, Die Monumental-
malerei in Serbien und Macedonien vom 11. bis
zum fruhen 14. Jahrhundert, II, Giessen, 1976,
pp. 147-50) to represent the Eucharistic body
of Christ. At the left of the central scene is the
Descent into Limbo; at the right, instead of the
more usual Noli me tangere, is the Appearance
of Christ to Mary. This latter scene was proba-
bly introduced because the altar frontal was
made for the Sistine Chapel, which is dedicated
to the Virgin of the Assumption. Its typically
Easter iconography is confirmed by the fact
that the altar frontal usually was displayed on
Holy Thursday.

GUASPARRI DI BARTOLOMEO PAPINI,

after a cartoon by Alessandro Allori
(1535-1607)
25 B. COPE

Florence, c. 1593-97
Tapestry, in silk, with silver-gilt threads
Height, 59 7 Ae" (151 cm); width, 125%" (319cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.
no. 2773

The weft is of silk, with silver-gilt threads; the
warp, of three-ply white silk, ten to thirteen
threads per centimeter. The cope, in a fine state
of preservation, was conserved in 1980-81. A
gap in the small oval space in the pagan altar at
the upper right, as well as other, similar lacunae
were repaired by attaching an appropriately col-
ored cotton and linen canvas support to the back.
It also was discovered that, originally, in place
of the two current coats of arms, a single, large
combined Medici-Lorraine coat of arms, above
which was the grand-ducal crown, had been
woven into the design.

The central scene in the orphrey shows the
Original Sin ( Genesis 3 : 6 ) , to the right of which
are busts — with identifying inscriptions — of
Jacob (Genesis 25:26), ivdas, son of Jacob
(Genesis 29:35), and [p]hare[z], son of Judah
(Genesis 38:29); further down, to the right cen-
ter of the cope, is esron, son of Pharez (I Chroni-
cles 2 : 5 ) . On the orphrey's left side are david (II
Samuel 1:14), solomon, son of David (I Kings
1:12), and r[eh]oboam, son of Solomon (I Kings
1 1:43); further down, to the left center, is Abia,
son of Rehoboam (I Chronicles 3:10).

On the hood is the Sacrifice of Isaac (Genesis
22:10-11), immediately above the bust of a
man identifiable as Melchizedek (Genesis 14:
18-19), King of Salem and "Priest of the Most

High God," to whom Abraham paid a tithe and
who offered the bread and wine in sacrifice.
Significantly, above him, half hidden by the hood,
is a vine whose branches are laden with clusters
of grapes. On either side, two pairs of angels
hold up a miter and a papal triregnum, respec-
tively. Angels with banderoles and censers, as
well as floral elements in which grapes and ol-
ives predominate, complete the rich decoration
of the vestment.

The two genealogical sequences with Jacob
and Solomon particularize, in the genealogy of
Christ, the iconographic theme of the vestment.
Jacob is the father of the Hebrews, while David
is the patriarch of the family to which Jesus
belonged. It is to Christ, to the nature of his
sacrifice and of his ministry, aside from that of
the Eucharist, that the Sacrifice of Isaac and the
figure of Melchizedek allude. The first, in fact,
presages the bloody sacrifice of Christ on the
cross; the second refers to the type of Christ's
ministry and of his priesthood — not following,
as Saint Paul testifies (Hebrews 7:11-28), the
order of Aaron, but that of Melchizedek. More-
over, Melchizedek is a priest who, instead of of-
fering a bloody sacrifice, offers — as did Christ
— the bread and wine, thus prefiguring the Eu-
charist, the overriding theme of the decoration
of the complete vestment.

GUASPARRI DI BARTOLOMEO PAPINI,

after a cartoon by Alessandro Allori
(1535-1607)
25 C. CHALICE VEIL

Florence, c. 1593-97
Tapestry, in silk, with silver-gilt threads
Height, 35 7 /s" (91 cm); width, 46>/i 6 " (117 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.
no. 2774

The weft is of silk, with silver-gilt threads; the
warp, of three-ply yellow silk threads, ten to thir-
teen per centimeter. The condition of the tapestry
is good, as it was conserved in 1981. The de-
sign is in the form of a rebus: Two angels, hold-
ing censers and incense boats, flank a large basin
filled with flowers, over which is a scroll with
the inscription apparvervnt*. The inscription,
taken together with the word for flowers — "flores
apparuerunt" — unquestionably has Easter con-
notations; in fact, it is the beginning of a line
from the Song of Solomon (2:12): "Flores
apparuerunt in terra nostra" ("The flowers ap-
pear on the earth"). There are no coats of arms,
only the grand-ducal crown at the top, in the
center of the border. Within the figural field,
above and below, are two lines of seven rings
each, into which two sticks could be inserted to
facilitate raising the veil over the chalice.

25 C

25 D

GUASPARRI DI BARTOLOMEO PAPINI,

after a cartoon by Alessandro Allori
(1535-1607)
25 D. MISSAL COVER

Florence, c. 1593-97
Tapestry, in silk, with silver-gilt threads
Height, 21 "/ l6 " (55 cm); width, 30' 1 /m" (78 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.
no. 2771

The weft is of silk, with silver-gilt threads; the
warp, of three-ply yellow silk threads, ten to thir-
teen per centimeter. The tapestry was conserved
in 1981, and is in good condition.

A young woman, veiled and crowned, is seat-
ed on a cloud, with a starry sky broken by rosy
clouds in the background. Her left hand, resting
on a book on which the dove of the Holy Spirit
is depicted, holds a scepter. With her right arm,
she embraces a ciborium in the form of a tiny
circular temple from which rays issue forth, di-
rected toward her. There are no crests or em-
blems on the border.

This scene is clearly an allegory of the Bless-
ed Virgin, but, because of such elements as the
temple, symbolic of religion and of wisdom,
at the same time the subject might be an allego-
ry of the Church. The marian references are
drawn from the Litany of Our Lady of Loreto,
which was created by Sixtus V in 1587, and
which figured prominently in the frescoes in the
apse of Santa Maria in Trastevere in Rome exe-
cuted during the reign of Clement VIII. On the
missal cover, Mary appears as the "Morning
Star," as indicated by the stars in the sky, rosy
with dawn, and as "Queen of all the Saints," as
denoted by the crown and the scepter, as well as
by the stars, symbols of the saints — because,
"They shall shine,and shall dart about as sparks

through the stubble" (Wisdom 3:7), "And they
that be wise shall shine as the brightness of the
firmament; and they that turn many to righteous-
ness as the stars forever and ever" (Daniel 12:3).
She is also depicted as the "Seat of Wisdom,"

as symbolized by the temple — "Wisdom hath
builded her house" (Proverbs 9: 1 ) — and by the
book with a representation of the Holy Spirit.
Typical of Mary, in addition to the Loreto ele-
ments, is the blue color of her robes.

GUASPARRI DI BARTOLOMEO PAPINI,

after a cartoon by Alessandro Allori
(1535-1607)
25 E. MISSAL COVER

Florence, c. 1593-97
Tapestry, in silk, with silver-gilt threads
Height, 21 'Vie " (55 cm); width, 21 >A " (54 cm)
Bihlioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.
no. 2770

The weft is of silk, with silver-gilt threads; the
warp, of three-ply yellow silk threads, ten to thir-
teen per centimeter. The tapestry was conserved
in 1981, and is in good condition.

A young woman is seated on the Medici
coat of arms, hands clasped and eyes turned
toward heaven. This image corresponds to what
Cesare Ripa (Iconologia, Rome, 1603, p. 471)
identified as "True and Certain Hope."

GUASPARRI DI BARTOLOMEO PAPINI,

after a cartoon by Alessandro Allori
(1535-1607)
25 F. MISSAL COVER

Florence, c. 1593- 97
Tapestry, in silk, with silver-gilt threads
Height, 21 "As" (55 cm); width, 21 'A " (54 cm)
Bihlioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.
no. 2772

The weft is of silk with silver- gilt threads; the
warp, of three-ply yellow silk threads, ten to thir-
teen per centimeter. The tapestry was conserved
in 1981, and is in good condition.

The young woman seated on the Medici coat
of arms holds a chalice in her right hand and a
cross in her left. With the exception of the color
of her garments — which are red and pink, rath-
er than white — and the fact that she is seated,
rather than standing, the figure corresponds to
Ripa's identification of "Christian Faith" (C.
Ripa, Iconologia, Rome, 1603, p. 149).

GUASPARRI DI BARTOLOMEO PAPINI,

after a cartoon by Alessandro Allori
(1535-1607)
25 G. CORPORAL CASE

Florence, c. 1593-97
Tapestry, in silk, with silver-gilt threads
Height, 20 l A " (52 cm); width, 20 'A " (52 cm)
Bihlioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.
no. 2781

The weft is of silk, with silver-gilt threads; the
warp, of three-ply white silk, ten to thirteen
threads per centimeter. The condition is good,
following conservation in 1981.

The decoration is the traditional wooden cross,
upon which is hung the crown of thorns. From
the base of the cross two branches of flowering
brambles issue forth. The same floral orna-
mentation characterizes the decoration of the
chasuble (see cat. no. 25 H). There is no identi-
fying coat of arms.

GUASPARRI DI BARTOLOMEO PAPINI,

after a cartoon by Alessandro Allori
(1535-1607)
25 H. CHASUBLE

Florence, c. 1593-97
Tapestry, in silk, with silver-gilt threads
Height, 55 Vs" (140 cm); width, 40>/s" (102 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.
nos. 2769, 2730

The weft is of silk, with silver-gilt threads; the
warp, of three-ply yellow silk, with ten to thirteen
threads per centimeter. The condition is good.
The chasuble was conserved in 1980-81. During
conservation, it was found that, initially, a space
was left on the warp for the papal arms; later,
the threads of the warp were cut away and the
coat of arms of Clement VIII sewn on. Since the
warp is of two different colors — that of the chas-
uble, yellow; that of the coat of arms, white — it
is possible that considerable time elapsed before
the coat of arms was woven in.

On the front, within the cross, starting at the
top, is a representation of Christ Crowned with
Thorns (John 19:5), flanked by two angels; at
the center, Veronica; below, Pilate Washing His
Hands (Matthew 27:24); and, at the bottom,
two crossed flagella. On the back, in descending
order, within the vertical band, are Christ in the
Garden of Olives (Luke 22:39-44); Christ at the
Column; and the Repentance of Peter (Matthew
26:69-75), with the attribute of the apostle, the

cock, directly above him. In the spaces at the
sides of the cross and of the column are praying
angels in flight, surrounded by flowering bram-
bles — a motif drawn not from the Gospels of
the Evangelists but from apocryphal sources.

Throughout, the iconography of this vestment
is related to the cycle of the Passion of Christ —
specifically, to the celebrations of Holy Week.
Of the so-called Sorrowful Mysteries of the
Rosary, only the Crucifixion is excluded, while
the Road to Calvary is alluded to, if not actually
represented, by the image of Veronica. A typically
Eucharistic motif is the angel offering the chalice
to Jesus. The images of Pilate and Peter contrast
two opposite forms of repentance. The proximity
of Peter to the coat of arms of Clement VIII is an
obvious reference to the pontiff for whom the
chasuble was made — inasmuch as it was the
vestment of the celebrant.

GUASPARRI DI BARTOLOMEO PAPINI,

after a cartoon by Alessandro Allori
(1535-1607)
251. DALMATIC

Florence, c. 1593-97
Tapestry, in silk, with silver-gilt threads
Height, 53 V, " (136 cm); width, 57V 2 " (146 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.
nos. 2777, 2778

The weft is of silk, with silver-gilt threads; the

warp, of three-ply yellow silk threads, ten to thir-
teen per centimeter. The tapestry is in fine con-
dition, after the conservation of 1980-81.Then,
it was shown that, originally, the space with the
papal arms was left empty, with only the warp
in place, and that, later, the coat of arms of Clem-
ent Vin was woven separately, with a white rath-
er than a yellow warp, and sewn onto the
vestment. The present grand-ducal shield, with
the Medici-Lorraine coat of arms, also was
woven on a white warp and was sewn on over
a preexisting shield that was actually part of the
dalmatic and had only the Medici arms.

On the front of the dalmatic, at the top, is the
Annunciation (Luke 1:28-35), with the Evan-
gelists Luke and Matthew and their respective
symbols at the sides. At the center is a terraque-
ous globe, with two crossed trumpets superim-
posed upon it, and two angels at either side,
with the words in omne, perhaps the begin-
ning of a line, "In omnem terram exivit sonus
eorum," from Psalm 18 (5); below is the Adora-
tion of the Magi (Matthew 2:11).'

On the back of the dalmatic, at the top, is the
Baptism of Christ (Mark 1:9-12), with the Evan-
gelists John and Mark, and their symbols, on
either side. Below, between two angels with cen-
sers, is the Ascension of Christ (Luke 24:51).

The decoration of the dalmatic with scenes
recounted by the Evangelists indicates that the
vestment probably was made for the deacon (or
subdeacon) who was entrusted with reading

25 H (back and front)

25 I (back and front)

from the Gospels. The inclusion, on the front,
of the two episodes from the life of Mary
undoubtedly was determined by the place in
which the vestment was to be used — the Sistine
Chapel, which is dedicated to the Virgin of the
Assumption. The two christological scenes on
the other side of the dalmatic are related to the
imagery on the chasuble (see cat. no. 25 H) and
focus on the theme of salvation through baptism.

GUASPARRI DI BARTOLOMEO PAPINI,

after a cartoon by Alessandro Allori
(1535-1607)
25 J. DALMATIC

Florence, c. 1593-97
Tapestry, in silk, with silver-gilt threads
Height, 52 3 A" (134 cm); width, 57 7 / 8 " (147cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. nos. 2727,2731

The weft is of silk, with silver-gilt threads; the
warp, of three-ply yellow silk threads, ten to thir-
teen per centimeter. The dalmatic is in a fine state
of preservation. During conservation in 1980-81,
it was ascertained that, initially, the space with
the papal arms was left empty, with only the
warp in place, and that, later, the coat of arms of
Clement VTII was sewn on. As to the grand-ducal
arms, the present ones with the Medici-Lorraine

arms were woven separately with a white warp,
and then sewn over a Medici shield without
Lorraine arms.

On the front of the dalmatic, at the top, is the
Giving of the Keys (John 21:15-17), with Saint
Peter at the left and, at the right, Isaiah, the sub-
ject of the scene below. In the center is a globe,
at either side of which are angels with olive
branches; superimposed over the globe are two
crossed trumpets, and the words in omne, per-
haps taken from the passage in Psalm 18 (5)
that begins "In omnem terram exivit sonus
eorum"; below is the scene of Isaiah Healing
Hezekiah (II Kings 20:1-11; Isaiah 38:1-22),
in the upper right of which is the sundial that the
prophet used to give Hezekiah the sign that he
would recover.

On the back of the dalmatic, at the top, is the
Conversion of Saint Paul, in the middle (Acts
9:3-9), flanked by Saint Paul, to the left, and,
to the right, by Aaron, the protagonist of the
scene below. At the bottom is Aaron's Flowering
Rod (Numbers 17:8; Hebrews 9:4).

What all the scenes have in common is a sign
given by God — determining the investiture of
Peter, the conversion of Paul, the healing of
Hezekiah, and the recognition of the authority of
Aaron as High Priest of the Hebrews. Central to
the iconography of the dalmatic is the contrasting
of episodes from the Old and the New Testaments
to illustrate the superiority of the New Law over

the Old Law — the theme of Saint Paul's Epistles
to the Romans and to the Hebrews. In this view,
it is possible that Allori, the designer, erred, trans-
posing the pairing of the scenes and the respec-
tive prophets and apostles. Given its subject, it
is probable that the dalmatic was worn by the
deacons responsible for reading from the Epistles.

25 K, L (details)

25 J (front and back)

GUASPARRI DI BARTOLOMEO PAPINI,

after a cartoon by Alessandro Allori
(1535-1607)
25 K. STOLE

Florence, c. 1593-97
Tapestry, in silk, with silver-gilt threads
Length, 80>¥ !6 " (231 cm); width, 5Vs" (13 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2776a-b

The weft is of silk, with silver-gilt threads; the
warp, of three-ply white silk, ten to thirteen
threads per centimeter. The condition is good,
following conservation in 1981. The decorative
motif consists of the combination of two instru-
ments of the Passion — the lance and the rod
with the sponge soaked in vinegar.

GUASPARRI DI BARTOLOMEO PAPINI,

after a cartoon by Alessandro Allori
(1535-1607)
25 L. MANIPLE

Florence, c. 1593-97
Tapestry, in silk, with silver-gilt threads
Length, 33 7 / 8 " (86 cm); width, 5'/s" (13 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. nos. 2728, 2733

The weft is of silk, with silver-gilt threads; the
warp, of three-ply white silk, ten to thirteen
threads per centimeter. The condition is good,
following conservation in 1981. Like the stole
(see cat. no. 25 K), the maniple is decorated
with one of the instruments of the Passion — in
this case, the scourge.

GUASPARRI DI BARTOLOMEO PAPINI,
after a cartoon by Alessandro Allori
(1535-1607)

25 M. CLASP

Florence, c. 1593-97
Tapestry, in silk, with silver-gilt threads
Height, 5'A " (13 cm); width, 9>/, 6 " (23 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2782

The weft is of silk, with silver-gilt threads; the
warp, of three-ply yellow silk threads, ten to thir-
teen per centimeter. Following conservation in
1981 the clasp is now in good condition.

The clasp — whose decoration depicts the
bound hands of Christ — was used to fasten a
cope across the chest. F. M.

Thorough research by Dr. Angelica Frezza on all docu-
ments pertaining to the vestments, completed for the 1980
"Medici" exhibition in Florence, is being published cur-
rently. I owe many thanks to Msgr. Gianfranco Nolli for his
most valuable assistance in clarifying numerous points on
the complex iconography of these vestments; to Dr. Mar-
cello del Piazzo for information concerning the coats of
arms; and to Candace Adelson for some helpful suggestions
regarding the weaving technique.

NEW
SAINT PETER'S

AND

BAROQUE ROME

The creation of the new Saint Peter's took one
hundred and seventy-six years, from the time
of Nicholas Vs. decision, about 1450, to re-
place the medieval basilica with a Renaissance
structure, until the consecration of the new
church, by Urban VIII, in 1626. It was Julius II
(1503-13) who approved Bramante's Greek-cross plan, with
its lofty dome supported on four gigantic piers: a pure and
grandiose design, to which — after consideration of some al-
ternative suggestions made by Raphael and Antonio da
Sangallo the Younger — Michelangelo returned in 1546, when
Paul III (1534-49) made him architect of Saint Peter's. Mi-
chelangelo carried out his powerful and majestic designs for
the apse and the southwest transept, the four piers, and the
drum of the cupola. When, in 1590, under Sixtus V
( 1585-90) , the immense, soaring dome was finally raised by
Giacomo della Porta and Domenico Fontana, the Renaissance
church truly was born.

One last task, however, was still to be accomplished: the
demolition and rebuilding of the remaining eastern part of
the old church. In 1606, Paul V (1605-21) entrusted the com-
pletion of Saint Peter's to Carlo Maderno. By extending the
nave further east, Maderno changed Bramante's and
Michelangelo's plan from a Greek to a Latin cross. The har-
monious porportions of Maderno's nave, and the serene
beauty of the new atrium and pedimented facade — com-
pleted, after his designs, in 1614 — added a dynamic majesty
to the great Renaissance basilica that clearly announced the
oncoming Baroque age.

Already, in the 1580s, Gregory Xin (1572-85) had begun
the marble facing of the small order of pilasters in the choir,
transept, and adjoining chapels. The polychrome decoration
was sumptuous in style, enriched by mosaics, gilded stuccoes,

and paintings. The vivid, yet cool colors; the Michelangelesque
references in the design; and the wealth of elaborate allego-
ries that figure in the decoration also characterize the altar
cross and candlesticks commissioned by Cardinal Alessandro
Farnese for the papal altar (see cat. nos. 22-23), and the
liturgical vestments (cat. no. 25A-M) woven in the 1590s
for Clement VIII, the pontiff to whom the chapel of the Con-
fessio owes its plan and ornamentation.

Like Paul V, Urban VIII (1623 -44) also turned his atten-
tion to the embellishment of the interior of Saint Peter's. His
first concern was with the crossing, where the papal altar
and the surrounding space were in need of enhancement in
order to serve as a proper setting for the important ceremo-
nies held in the basilica. He entrusted the project to the young
Gian Lorenzo Bernini (1598-1680), and this commission, in
1624, marked the beginning of the artist's lifelong activity at
Saint Peter's: an association that was to transform the church
and its piazza into the greatest artistic achievement of the
Catholic Counter Reformation and the supreme expression
of the Roman Baroque.

Bernini created the baldacchino, the triumphal bronze
canopy that stands above the papal altar, supported by four
twisted columns; the four balconies, set into the pillars under
the dome, for the exhibition of the major relics of the basilica;
and the four colossal statues of the saints (below the balconies)
associated with these relics: Longinus, Helen, Veronica, and
Andrew — a program that unified the great space of the cross-
ing with an unprecedented boldness of imagination.

The impetus given by Urban VIII to the decoration of
Saint Peter's led to the enrichment of many chapels and al-
tars throughout the church with paintings by the finest art-
ists of the day: Giovanni Lanfranco, Andrea Sacchi, Pietro
da Cortona, and Nicolas Poussin — whose famous Martyrdom

FIG. 24. THE NAVE OF SAINT PETER'S, WITH THE BALDACCHINO AND THE CATHEDRA PETRI BOTH BY GIAN LORENZO BERNINI

FIG. 25. SAINT PETER'S BASILICA AND THE

of Saint Erasmus (cat. no. 86) was painted for the altar of
Saint Petronilla. Bernini, himself, made two funerary monu-
ments for Saint Peter's: the tomb of Countess Matilda of
Tuscany (of 1632-37) and the tomb of Urban VIII (of 1627-
47), for which there are two surviving terracotta sketches
(cat. nos. 27, 28).

During the eleven years in which Innocent X was pope
(1644-55), the preferred sculptor was Alessandro Algardi
(1598-1654), whose Baptism of Christ (cat. no. 30) gained
him the patronage of the pontiff; Innocent X also commis-
sioned from him the great marble relief of The Meeting of
Pope Leo I and Attila (of 1647-54) , for one of the chapel's in

Saint Peter's.

With the election to the papacy of Alexander VII
(1655-67), Bernini again enjoyed full favor. In answer to
this pope's desire to add not only to the magnificence of
Saint Peter's, but to that of the whole of Rome, Bernini's
artistic powers reached ever more extraordinary heights. From
1657 on, he carried out the great oval colonnade of the piazza
of Saint Peter's (fig. 25); the majestic new Scala Regia, which
leads from the colonnade to the old Apostolic Palace; and, in
the apse of the basilica, the visionary installation of the Ca-
thedra Petri (fig. 24) , held aloft, as it were, by the four statues
of the Fathers of the Church, with the transparent dove of

PIAZZA ENCLOSED BY BERNINI'S COLONNADE

the Holy Spirit high above, amidst an angelic glory. By tran-
scending the traditional boundaries between architecture,
painting, and sculpture, Bernini created a new visual lan-
guage that was capable of transmitting through form, color,
and light the deepest emotions and mystical feelings of the
Christian faith. The master's works for Alexander VII outside
the Vatican — such as the sculptural decoration of the Chigi
Chapel at Santa Maria del Popolo (cat. no. 31) — bear the
imprint of the same perfervid imagination.

The city itself, which the pope's contemporaries called
"Roma Alessandrina," benefited from some of the seven-
teenth century's most brilliant achievements in architecture

and urban planning. During the pontificates of Alexander
VII and of Clement IX (1667-69) — for whom Bernini created
the angels of the Ponte Sant Angelo — Rome became, more
than ever, the "first city of the world. " 01ga R ag gj

BIBLIOGRAPHY : S. Schiiler-Piroli, 2000 Jahre Sankt Peter, Die Weltkirche von den Anfdngen
bis zur Gegenwart, Olten, 1950, pp. 491-692; A. Schiavo, San Pietro in Vatkano. Forme e
Strutture, Rome, 1960; P. Portoghesi, Roma Barocca. The History of an Architectonic Cul-
ture, Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1970 ; E. M. Jung-Inglessis, St. Peter's, Florence,
1980, pp. 7-19.

Comparative works; J. Ackerman, The Architecture of Michelangelo, 2 vols., 2nd rev. ed.,
London, 1964; R. Wittkower, La Cupola di San Pietro di Michelangelo, Florence, 1964; I.
Lavin, Bernini and the Crossing of St. Peter's, New York, 1968; H. Hibbard, Carlo Maderno
and Roman Architecture, 1580-1630, University Park, Pa., 1971; R. Wittkower, Gian Lorenzo
Bernini: The Sculptor of the Roman Baroque, 3rd rev. ed., Oxford, 1981.

GIAN LORENZO BERNINI (1598-1680)
BUST OF POPE URBAN VIII (1623-44)

Rome, c, 1632-33
Bronze

Height, with base, 39 V H " (100 an)
Biblioteca Apostolka Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2427

Cast in one piece with its base, this bust is a
very fine contemporary replica of a portrait of
the pope by Bernini, or which there are two
marble versions: one, formerly in the Barberini
Collection, is now in the Galleria Nazionale
d'Ane Anlica in the Palazzo Barberini in Rome
(R. Wittkowcr, 1981, pi. 39); the other, recently
discovered, is in The National Gallery of Canada
in Ottawa (R. Wittkower, 1969, p, 63). The
surface of the bronze is of amazing freshness,
crisply yet broadly chased; the back shows the
tooling of the original terracotta model, which.

most probably, was the one that Bernini used
for the Barberini marble. The marble bust has
been variously dated in the literature, but its
execution in 1 632 seems certain on the basis of
its similarity to an engraved portrait of Urban
VIII by Claude Mellan, dated 1631, and to a
strikingly vivid and accurate description of the
work in a letter of 1632. The writer, Lelio
Guidiccioni, was a friend of Bernini, and his
words captured the essence of the pope's like-
ness in unmistakable terms: "The bust has no
arms, but a slight motion of the right shoulder
and a lifting of his mozzetta, in addition to the

inclination of the head, . . . clearly indicates the
action of signaling with the arm to someone
to get up." In this portrait, the pope appears
"thoughtful yet serene, suave yet full of majesty,
witty yet serious: he smiles and is venerable"
(C. D'Onofrio [1967], p. 382).

The Vatican bronze, another version of which
is in the Palazzo Comunale in Camerino, was
made for the Palazzo Barberini library, where it
occupied a niche above the wooden paneling
made by Giovan Battista Soria in 1633. The bust
was described in 1642 by Girolamo Teti, and
remained at the Palazzo Barberini until 1902,
when the Vatican Library acquired the Barberini
library, together with its paneling.

O.R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Teti, Aedes Barberinaead Quirinalem,
Rome, 1642, p. 31; M. T. De Lotto, in Bernini in Vatkano
(exhib, cat.), Rome, 1981, pp. 114-15.

Comparative works cited: C. D'Onofrio, Roma vista da
Roma, Rome |1967|; R. Wittkower, "A New Bust of
Urban VIII by Bernini,' ' in The Burlington Magazine, 111.
1969, p. 63; idem, Gian Lorenzo Bernini; The Sculptor of the
Roman Baroque, 3rd rev, ed„ Oxford, 1981.

GIAN LORENZO BERNINI (1598-1680)
CHARITY, WITH FOUR CHILDREN

Rome, c. 1627-28
Terracotta, with traces of gilding
Height, 15 Vs" (39 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2423

Charity's stance is a spiraling contrapposto. She
holds a large child, who is feeding at her left
breast, while she turns her head toward a little
boy standing to her right. Leaning against a
downturned torch, he seems to be wiping away
his tears. On the other side of Charity, two babies,
crouching on the ground, embrace and kiss.

In 1980-81, a thick coat of black paint was
removed from the surface of the sculpture. Some
traces of an earlier water gilding were left,
however, as well as a gold-leaf edge applied as a
border to Charity's garments. The back of the
group is unfinished. The artist worked the clay
with fingers and modeling tools, achieving an
effect of lively, energetic contrasts between the
deep undercutting and sharp edges of the crum-
pled draperies and the tender surfaces of the
naked bodies, highlighted by delicate brushwork
— as on Charity's right shoulder — or by the ap-
plication of a granular film of clay wash to the
flesh of the two kissing babies.

The technique and the amazing freshness of
the group have precise parallels in the handling
of some of the clay sketches by Bernini now in
the Fogg Art Museum — especially, the sketch
of a helmeted female figure for the memorial to
Carlo Barberini (R. Norton, 1914, p. 46, pi. XI).
There is no doubt, indeed, that this is one of
Bernini's probably numerous compositional
studies for the figure of Charity on the tomb of
Urban VIII in Saint Peter's (R. Wittkower, 198 1,
no. 30, pi. 49). The still Mannerist double tor-
sion of the figure; the complication of her
clinging, windswept garments; and the sensi-
tive modeling of the children recall Bernini's early
admiration for the paintings of Guido Reni and
suggest a very early date for this study. A precise
point of reference is offered by the two earliest
extant drawings for the tomb: the architectur-
al outline in the Albertina (H. Thelen, 1967,
no. 35) and the Windsor Castle project (idem, no.
36), both dating from 1627. In the Charity in
the Windsor drawing, the gesture of the child
on the left wiping a tear, and the faceted han-
dling of the draperies recall, very closely, the
Vatican terracotta, suggesting a similar date. This
work was probably one of the many terracottas
owned by Cardinal Flavio Chigi (1641-93),
which are described in the 1692 inventory of
his collection in the Casino at the Quattro
Fontane (Archivio Chigi 1805, f. 275). The group
came from the Chigi Collection to the Vatican
Library in 1923.

0. R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. Mancinelli, in Bernini in Vaticano<
(exhib. cat.), Rome, 1981, p. 108.
Comparative works cited: R. Norton, Bernini and Other
Studies in the History of Art, New York, 1914; H. Thelen,
Francesco Borromini: Die Handzeichnungen, Graz, 1967; R.
Wittkower, Gian Lorenzo Bernini: The Sculptor of the Roman
Baroque, 3rd rev. ed., Oxford, 1981.

GIAN LORENZO BERNINI (1598-1680)
CHARITY, WITH TWO CHILDREN

Rome, c. 1634-39
Terracotta

Height, 16 Vs" (41.6 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2422

In 1982, a thick coat of black paint was removed
from the surface of this sculpture group,
revealing the buff color of the terracotta and
some minor firing cracks and repairs. The group
is unfinished on the back, but on the front the
draperies and the flesh areas seem to have been
smoothed over with the fingers for a more unified
effect. Although the composition corresponds
very closely to Bernini's marble version on the
tomb of Urban VIII in Saint Peter's (R. Wittkower,
1981, no. 30, pi. 49), there are significant differ-
ences in detail: both Charity and the sleeping
baby have more pointed features than the mar-
ble figures, and the crying infant clings to her
more closely, pulling his arm across his tearful
face rather than raising his arm toward her. Thus,
the terracotta clearly must be understood as a
nearly final modello, immediately preceding its
execution in marble.

The changes between this group and the earli-
er sketch (cat. no. 27) show Bernini's progress
from a still conventional, fragmented, and es-
sentially Mannerist formula toward a strongly
monumental composition. The windswept drap-
eries of the first Charity have now become more
ponderous, cradling the infant who has fallen
asleep while feeding. By simplifying the pose,
as well as the component elements of Charity,
Bernini conveys the feeling of her all-embracing
maternal nature: a powerfully controlled crea-
tion, she has been organically related to the over-
all architecture of the papal monument.

Construction of the tomb of Urban VIII last-
ed from 1628 to 1647, when the finished monu-
ment was unveiled. During the initial phase of
the project, Bernini worked briefly on the model
of the statue of Urban VIII. This may have been
finished in April 1631, but he kept restudying
the compositions of the two allegories for sev-
eral more years. According to a document of
March 25, 1630 (O. Pollak, 2, 1931, p. 602),
Bernini had not yet decided whether Charity
was to be accompanied by two or three children,
but since, in 1639, work was begun in earnest
on the marble block, a date of 1634-39 seems
to be the most likely for the Vatican modello.

The group came to the Vatican Library from
the Chigi Collection in 1923. It was probably
one of the many terracottas assembled by Cardi-
nal Flavio Chigi, which are described in the 1692
inventory of the Casino at the Quattro Fontane
(Archivio Chigi 1805, f. 275).

0. R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: M. T. De Lotto, in Bernini in Vaticano
(exhib. cat.), Rome, 1981, pp. 108-9.

Comparative works cited: O. Pollak, Die Kunsttatigkeit unter
Urban VIII, 2 vols., Vienna, 1928, 1931; R. Wittkower, Gian
Lorenzo Bernini: The Sculptor of the Roman Baroque, 3rd
rev. ed., Oxford, 1981.

GIAN LORENZO BERNINI (1598-1680)
BUST OF A YOUNG MAN

c. 1635

Oil on canvas

Height, 26 W (67. 7cm); width, 19 "Ae " (50 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 2409

This picture was discovered in the storage rooms
of the Floreria Apostolica in 1979, and was re-
stored the same year. Only the background had
been slightly damaged. There are no markings
that might provide a clue to the painting's
provenance.

The work represents the bust of a young man
of about twenty years of age, with what appears
to be a cloak draped on his right shoulder. The
light enters from the left, leaving the left side of
the face completely in shadow. The likeness is
in the form of a sketch, as though it were a stu-
dio design destined to remain as such. It dis-
plays an extremely sober chromatic range, lim-
ited to a few basic tones, with slightly reddish
vibrations showing, even in the parts hit by
reflected light. The highly plastic figure of the
young man is modeled in broad, firm strokes,
with a flat brush, and the dark red preparation
of the background is used to good advantage
for the parts in shadow — as in Poussin. Stylisti-
cally, the painting can be placed within Bernini's
circle, and, insofar as qualitative level, sureness
of brushstroke, and expressive intensity are
concerned, it may be attributed to Bernini,
himself, rather than to artists of his entourage,
such as Carlo Pellegrini or Francesco Mola, or
to such a weak follower as Giacinto Brandi. The
bearing of the figure is in the style of Bernini,
very similar to his Bust of Costanza Buonarelli
(which dates to about the mid- 1630s) and to the
Portrait of Bernini Dressed as Saint George (of about
1635) by Pellegrini, one of Bernini's assistants
in the thirties; the latter portrait was executed,
according to V. Martinelli ("Le pitture del
Bernini," in Commentari, I, 1950, p. 100), fol-
lowing preliminary suggestions from Bernini. The
outline, in particular, in Pellegrini's portrait is
identical to that of the Vatican head, and the
mannerisms in the rendering of certain details —
for example, the musculature of the neck — are
analogous. The style of brushstroke and the chro-
matic range are completely different, however,
and reveal the work of the assistant. The impas-
to and the use of light in the Vatican picture are
close to another work, the result of a Bernini-
Pellegrini collaboration: The Martyrdom of Saint
Maurice, painted between 1636 and 1640 for
Saint Peter's. Specifically, the analogies concern
the heads of the two armed men on the right
side of the painting; they are completely different,
stylistically and technically, from all the others,
and were probably done by Bernini, himself (cf.
F. Mancinelli, "Carlo Pellegrini, Gian Lorenzo
Bernini. II Martirio di S. Maurizio," entry, 1981,
no. 39, pp. 65-66). Also typical of Bernini in
the Vatican painting are some light brushstrokes
along the right side of the face, which detach
the head from the background — not unlike the
effect in the Small Portrait of a Child, in the Gal-
leria Borghese, which Grassi (Bernini Pittore,

Rome, 1945, p. 24) restored to Bernini.

The Bust of a Young Man in the Pinacoteca
Vaticana is, therefore, a rare example of a picto-
rial effort by the master, and forms part of those
studies of which the Head of an Old Man —
perhaps a Saint Paul — (now in a private collec-
tion) is a much later example. Chromatically
and technically still under the influence of The
Martyrdom of Saint Erasmus by Poussin (see cat.
no. 86), Bernini's treatment of light in the Bust
of a Young Man anticipates Velazquez's Self-Portrait
(in the Galleria Borghese) and is, therefore, dat-
able to about 1635. The identity of the subject
remains unknown, but, as Maurizio Marini
suggests, a certain family resemblance makes one
think that he was a close relative of Bernini.

P.M..

BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. Mancinelli, "Gian Lorenzo Bernini—
Busto di giovane," entry in Bernini in Vatkano (exhib. cat.),
Rome, 1981, no. 40, pp. 68-69.

ALESSANDRO ALGARDI (1598-1654)
THE BAPTISM OF CHRIST

Rome, c. 1644-45
Terracotta

Height, 19 Vie " (48. 7cm); width, 18 % " (47. 8 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2426

When the group was cleaned in 1982, and a
coat of brown paint was removed from its
surface, a pale, buff- colored terracotta and some
minor repairs were revealed. The smooth, sensi-
tive modeling of the figures — with their long,
nervous fingers and limbs — and their delicately
differentiated textures confirm the attribution of
this terracotta to Algardi, as suggested by Olga

Raggio (1971) and, independently, by Jennifer
Montagu (1972). Yet, even more convincing
than the facture of the sculpture is the purely
Algardian character of the group: a carefully
studied composition, whose two figures have
been developed along a series of intersecting
diagonal lines, offering multiple views from the
front as well as from the back. The vibrant,
sympathetic dialogue of the forms, beautifully
expressed by the vivacity of the poses and the
extraordinary animation of the draperies, recalls
the best qualities of Algardi's drawings, as well
as many details of his bronze statuettes, such as
the Saint Michael and the Devil (in the Museo
Civico in Bologna). The Baptism group looks
forward, also, to Algardi's most famous two-

figure composition: the monumental marble
relief of The Meeting of Pope Leo I and Attila
in Saint Peter's, a commission for which the
sculptor supplied models as early as 1646. The
Vatican terracotta, unfortunately, has lost the
small angel that was poised, as if in flight, over
the rock below Jesus, linking the two figures
above the waters of the river and adding to the
picturesque animation of the group. We know
of its existence, for it is described in a seven-
teenth-century inventory and is preserved in a
particularly fine bronze version, with the arms
of the Franzoni family, in The Cleveland Museum
of Art (J. Montagu, 1972, pp. 65, 76, fig. 1).

The style of the terracotta, which is typical of
Algardi's work in the 1640s, suggests that it is a

study for a now-lost silver group of the Baptism
of Christ, which the artist made shortly after the
election of Pope Innocent X (1644-55). The
work was presented to the pontiff, who was
especially pleased with it, since it was an allu-
sion to his name — Giovanni Battista Pamphili —
and to his patron saint. In his will, Algardi left
the terracotta model for this group to his patron
and executor, Monsignor Cristofano Segni. After
the death of Segni, about 1780, the model was
sent to Bologna and was still in the Segni Collec-
tion, where it was seen by Marcello Oretti. It
cannot, therefore, be identified with the Vatican
terracotta, which, most likely, is the work de-
scribed in an inventory of about 1666 of the
collection of Cardinal Flavio Chigi in the Casino

of the Quattro Fontane as "un battesimo di S.
Gio Battista di terracotta alto pal. doi" (Archivio
Chigi 702, f. 1 16 v.). The present group came to
the Vatican from the Chigi Collection in 1923.

0. R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: O. Raggio, "Alessandro Algardi e gli stuc-
chi di Villa Pamphili," in Paragone, 251, 1971, pp. 16-17;
J. Montagu, "Le Bapteme du Christ d'Alessandro Algardi,"
in Revue de I' Art, 15, 1972, pp. 64-78.

GIAN LORENZO BERNINI (1598-1680)
DANIEL IN THE LIONS' DEN

Rome, c. 1655
Terracotta

Height, 16 Vs" (41.6 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2424

In 1980-81, a coat of black paint was removed
from the surface of this terracotta, revealing
modeling of great subtlety and smoothness. Al-
though this statuette is considerably more
finished than other surviving sketch-models by
Bernini, it is clearly a preparatory study for the
marble statue of Daniel commissioned in 1655
by Pope Alexander VII for the Chigi Chapel at
Santa Maria del Popolo and installed there in
1657. Five preparatory drawings by Bernini for
the Daniel survive in Leipzig (I. Lavin et al., 1981,
pp. 164-69, nos. 32-36), and the present terra-
cotta is related to one of them (no. 33).

In the Daniel and its pendant statue of Habak-
kuk and the Angel (see cat. no. 32), Bernini
evoked the story of the two prophets as recount-
ed in Bel and the Dragon, the third apocryphal
addition to the Book of Daniel. There, it is told
how the Prophet Daniel was cast into the lions'
den by the Babylonians, but was saved by the
Lord and nourished by the Prophet Habakkuk,
who, miraculously, was transported to Daniel's
cave by an angel. The story, which is read in the
Catholic Liturgy on the Tuesday before Palm
Sunday, was considered a prefiguration of the
Resurrection of Christ, as well as a symbol of
salvation through the Eucharist. Bernini's visual-
ization of the two prophets was deeply influenced
by these concepts. In the Vatican model, Daniel's
slender body appears to rise toward a vision, to
be enveloped by a spiritual breeze, his drapery
flickering across his body like a flame. In trying
out his composition in the malleable medium
of clay, Bernini seems to have sought a serpentine
outline and a luminous smoothness of masses
that helped him to achieve the plastic definition
of his final composition in marble. The terracotta
was described in the 1692 inventory of the
collection of Cardinal Flavio Chigi in the Casino
at the Quattro Fontane (Archivio Chigi 1805, f.
275) as "un modello del Danielle di terracotta
del Popolo, fatto dal Bernini. " It came from the
Chigi Collection to the Vatican Library in 1923.

0. R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. Mancinelli and M. T. De Lotto, in
Bernini in Vaticano (exhib. cat.), Rome, 1981, pp. 126-27.

Comparative work cited: I. Lavin et al., Drawings by
Gianlorenzo Bernini from the Museum der Bildenden Ktinste
Leipzig, German Democratic Republic (exhib. cat.), The Art
Museum, Princeton University, 1981.

GIAN LORENZO BERNINI (1598-1680)
HABAKKUK AND THE ANGEL

Rome, c. 1655
Terracotta

Height, 20 Vi" (52 cm)

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.
no. 2425

When the terracotta was cleaned in 1980-81,
a coat of black paint was removed from its
surface. A highly finished sculpture — except for
the back, which was left partly in the rough —
this figure of Habakkuk corresponds so closely
to Bernini's marble in the Chigi Chapel at Santa
Maria del Popolo that it cannot be considered a
preparatory study. Yet, the quality of its model-
ing has so much in common with that of
Bernini's statuette of Daniel (see cat. no. 31)
that we should assume that this group served as
a finished modello, or, possibly, as a presentation
piece. Another example of a similarly highly
finished modello by Bernini is his terracotta
bozzetto of The Blessed Ludovica Albertoni (of
1671 -74) , recently acquired by the Victoria and
Albert Museum (M. E Mezzatesta, 1982, no. 10).

The Habakkuk group, which is slightly larger
than the average Bernini sketch-model, conveys
all the complexity and subtlety of the artist's
invention. Habakkuk surrenders to the will of the
angel, who is about to lift him by his hair and
transport him to Daniel's cave. The tension ex-
pressed by their meeting gazes, the contrast
between the powerful physique of the prophet
and the supernatural grace of the angel, the
expressivity of the tightly bunched and cascad-
ing draperies, the play of intersecting diagonal
lines — all owe much to Bernini's earlier por-
trayals of mystical experiences, such as the Saint
Longinus and The Ecstasy of Saint Theresa. Habak-
kuk and the Angel was described in an inventory
of about 1666 of Cardinal Flavio Chigi's collec-
tion at the Casino of the Quattro Fontane as
"una figura di terra cotta alta pal: doi e mezzo
in circa rappresenta un vecchio con un'Angelo
che lo tiene per gli capelli" (Archivio Chigi 702,
f. 116 v.). It came from the Chigi Collection to
the Vatican Library in 1923.

0. R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: E Mancinelli and M. T. De Lotto, in
Bernini in Vaticano (exhib. cat.), Rome, 1981, pp. 127-28.

Comparative work cited: M. E Mezzatesta, The Art of Gian
Lorenzo Bernini, Selected Sculpture (exhib. cat.), Kimbell Art
Museum, Fort Worth, 1982.

ALTAR CROSS, WITH THE ARMS OF
POPE ALEXANDER VII {CHIGI, 1655-67)
Corpus: designed by Gian Lorenzo Bernini

(1598-1680); modeled in wax by Ercole

Ferrata (1610-1686); cast by Paolo Camieri;

chased by Bartolomeo Cennini
Base and cross: designed by Gian Lorenzo

Bernini; cast, after a wooden model, by

Giovanni Maria Giorgietti
Rome, 1657-61

Cross: bronze; corpus and superscription: gilt
bronze

Height: corpus, 16 'Vie" (43 cm); cross, 73 " (185 cm)
Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro

Despite the many hands involved in its crea-
tion, this gilt-bronze "dead Christ" preserves the
moving spirituality and the formal nobility of
Bernini's original design, A mystical meditation
upon the meaning of Christ's consummated
sacrifice, this crucifix is very close to the almost
contemporary "dead Christ" crucifix held by
Bernini's Saint Jerome, in the Chigi Chapel of
the cathedral of Siena (R. Wittkower, 1981, pi.
92). It prefigures the emotional intensity of his
Sangue di Cr'tsto composition, of 1670 (I. Lavin,

1972, p. 158, fig. 1). Although many casts were
made of the crucifixes for Saint Peter's, they were
all finished and chased with great care, their
sharply tooled surfaces designed to catch the
light of the nearby candles. Quite probably, they
were individually approved by Bernini. The con-
trast between the gold of the corpus and the
coppery finish of the cross, and the strongly
molded architectural oudine of the base — which
matches the profiles of the accompanying candle-
sticks — are typical of the sumptuous and sol-
emn taste of Alexander VII, a pontiff who took
an intense, day-to-day, personal interest in all
details of the great artistic projects that he asked
Bernini to undertake. This particular cross comes
from the altar of San Leone Magno in Saint
Peter's.

0. R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: R. Battaglia, Croafissi del Bernini in S.
Pietro in Vaticano, Rome, 1942; R. Wittkower, Gian Lorenzo
Bernini: The Sculptor of the Roman Baroque, 3rd rev. cd.,
Oxford, 1981. p. 229; M, Worsdale, in Bernini in Vatkano
(cxhib. cat.), Rome, 1981, no. 274, pp. 270-71.

Comparative work cited: t. Lavin, "Bernini's Death," in
The Art Bulletin. LIV, 1972.

THE

LIBRARY
MUSEUMS

BIBLIOTECA APOSTOLIC A VATIC ANA

From its very beginning, the Apostolic See amassed
an extensive assortment of books and archives about
which early documentation is quite scarce. Many
times scattered, the collections took years to build
up again. The modern Biblioteca Vaticana, heir to
the ancient papal libraries, dates to the fifteenth
century — more precisely, to the pontificate of the humanist
pope Nicholas V (1447-55), an impassioned collector of an-
cient texts, who, at his death, left more than 1,500 manuscripts,
many of which he had had copied in the famous Florentine
workshop of Vespasiano da Bisticci. Already, at that time,
the library of Nicholas V was the greatest in Europe. Even
though partly dispersed, it forms the nucleus of the present
Vatican Library.

It was Sixtus IV ( 1471 -84) , however, who was the library's
true founder, and his papal bull of June 15, 1475, 'Ad decorem
militantis Ecclesiae," established its functions: "for the pro-
motion of the Catholic faith, for the use of scholars and for
the renown of the Roman Pontiff." The pope personally en-
dowed the newly created institution, and named as its librari-
an the humanist Bartolomeo Sacchi, best known as Platina.
The library was assigned four rooms on the ground floor of
the palace of Nicholas V. In a fresco now in the Pinacoteca
Vaticana, Melozzo da Forli immortalized Platina's nomination
(fig. 26). The librarian kneels before the enthroned pontiff,
who is surrounded by his relatives, including Giuliano della
Rovere, the future Pope Julius II (1503-13).

The library remained in this location for more than a
century. Its burgeoning collections necessitated transfer to a
new home, which Sixtus V ( 1 58 5-90) had the palace architect,
Domenico Fontana (fig. 27), build, across from the Cortile
del Belvedere, along the wide stairway leading to the Cortile
della Pigna. The library has since expanded, first into the
west wing that encloses the Cortile del Belvedere, begun in
the time of Pius IV (1560-65), and, later, into the facing wing.
Transferred to the area immediately below this by Leo XIII

(1878-1903) and modernized by Pius XI (1922- 39), who
had been its prefect, the library gained four floors of storage
space through the efforts of Paul VI (1963-78). Preparations
for additional space recently have begun.

The Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana currently houses more
than 70,000 volumes of manuscripts, 100,000 individual
autographs, about 7,000 incunabula and one million vol-
umes printed later, 100,000 engravings and maps, thousands
of parchments, and tens of thousands of archival volumes
and files. This immense bibliographic resource is always avail-
able to scholars, who come from all over the world to draw
upon it (fig. 29).

The magnificently frescoed Salone Sistino and the two
galleries leading from it, for some time, have been of the
most conspicuous artistic interest in the library, and are open
to all visitors to the Vatican Museums. Among the works of
art in these rooms are busts and statues of the Roman period,
papal busts, terracotta models, and the Treasury of the Sanc-
ta Sanctorum, a group of precious objects from the Early
Middle Ages. Globes and scientific instruments shown here
include two large planispheres; one of them, the work of
Girolamo da Verrazzano, brother of Giovanni, contains the
first depiction of the Atlantic coast of North America. There
are textiles and vestments dating back to the earliest centu-
ries of the Church, liturgical objects, and an array of gifts
sent to the popes over the course of the last two centuries by
world leaders and dignitaries. There is no lack of instructive
curiosities, as, for instance, the very strange-looking machine
invented by Bramante to stamp documents with the papal
bull, or the more recently added fragments of lunar rock that
commemorate Apollo XI's voyage to the moon.

The artistic strengths of the Biblioteca Vaticana, however,
are found in the Museo Sacro and the Museo Profano, the
first museums in the Vatican opened to the public, and the
core around which the imposing complex of Vatican Mu-
seums, as they exist today, was gradually formed.

FIG. 26. MELOZZO da FORLJ. SIXTUS IV NOMINATES PL ATI N A PREFECT OF THE VATICAN LIBRARY.
FRESCO. 147V" 7 7. PINACOTECA (ORIGINALLY IN THE LIBRARY OF SIXTUS IV)

MUSEO SACRO

The custom of keeping works of art and antiqui-
ties in libraries, alongside books and manuscripts,
goes very far back in time. So it was at the Vatican.
Marble statues, among them the famous Hippoly-
tus, adorned the Salone Sistino almost from the
date of its construction. Mainly for decorative purposes, a
number of ancient vases were soon lined up along the shelves
containing manuscripts. Collections of coins and medals, as-
tronomical instruments, and the gleanings of naturalists — even
a botanical garden — were all housed in the library at one
time or another.

The formation of a proper museum did not occur until
the pontificate of Benedict XIV ( 1 740- 58), who founded the
Museo Sacro (fig. 28), or, more accurately, the Museo Cristi-
ano, in the Vatican Library. Illustrious precedents were not
lacking; there was the "Metallotheca Vaticana," one of the
first and most extensive collections of natural history speci-
mens, scientifically catalogued by the papal physician Michele
Mercati and exhibited by order of Saint Pius V (1566-72) in
several rooms near the palace of Innocent VIII, later occu-
pied by the Museo Pio-Clementino. There was also the Museo
Ecclesiastico of Clement XI (1700-1721), created to house

FIG. 27. DOMENICO FONTANA PRESENTING HIS PLAN

FOR THE NEW LIBRARY TO SIXTUS V.
OIL ON CANVAS. SALA SISTINA (BUILT IN 1587-89,
AFTER FONTANA'S DESIGN), VATICAN LIBRARY

the collection of Roman and Christian antiquities assembled
by Francesco Bianchini but dissolved shortly thereafter. These
collections were substantially different in character from the
semiprivate ones formed by Julius II, or from the coins and
objects garnered by Marcellus II (1555), for example.

The grand collections of antiquities for which Renais-
sance Rome was celebrated grew in importance during the
seventeenth century, through the efforts of the princes and
cardinals of the new papal families — chiefly the Barberini,
Chigi, and Albani. In the eighteenth century, the extraordi-
nary passion for excavations and epigraphical studies, char-
acteristic Roman pursuits of the day, gave rise to important
archaeological discoveries and the exploration of the cata-
combs. Aside from officially authorized excavations, others
were initiated by private citizens motivated by the widespread
enthusiasm for collecting and, especially, by the demand for
antiquities on the international market. Many of the discover-
ies were dispersed throughout Europe, despite the existence
of laws designed to stem the outflow of art objects. These
laws were renewed and toughened by the popes during the
eighteenth century, but with little effect.

The prevailing attitude toward collecting focused not so
much on the aesthetic merits of an object as on its documen-
tary value. Museums were seen as a check on the dispersal
of such a heritage of documentation, whereby the objects
would be preserved for present and future study. This ex-
plains the particular care taken in assembling the host of
Early Christian inscriptions and memorials that came to light
when the catacombs were excavated, for they testified elo-
quently to the examples of the martyrs.

The papacy of Benedict XIV — friend to scholars and a
dedicated scholar, himself — provided the ideal atmosphere
for realizing the cherished project of a Museo Cristiano. Ben-
edict recognized it as a necessity, and "a work worthy of a
pope and of Rome. " A museum of sacred antiquities that
would be a counterpart to the secular holdings of the muse-
ums of the Campidoglio was supported by archaeologists
and cultivated amateurs such as Scipione Maffei, Giuseppe
Bianchini, and Giovanni Bottari, the Vatican librarian. As
the Oratorian monk Bianchini urged the pope: "In the muse-
um founded by you, Most Blessed Father, by figuring the
terms of the consuls whose names are registered on the tombs
of many martyrs, we could count the persecutions of the
Caesars; so that for the first five centuries of the Christian
era, we shall proceed with uncertainty no more, as formerly,
but on an easy road, smoothed by the gravestones of the
ancient Christians. "

Bottari outlined a program, observing that once all the
remains were assembled the result would be "one of the most
sumptuous Museums of Christian erudition — which, were it
to be enriched by all the instruments of the martyrdoms, all
the lanterns, the glassware, a hundredfold of terracotta seals,
the vases, tools, and utensils without number . . . would be
one of the great wonders of the world. " He then proposed to

FIG. 28. ENTRANCE TO THE MUSEO SACRO. THE DOOR IS FLANKED BY ANCIENT STATUES AND SURMOUNTED
BY THE COAT OF ARMS OF BENEDICT XIV; THE INSCRIPTION OVER THE DOOR RECORDS
THE MUSEUM'S OPENING DATE (1756) AND ITS FUNCTION OF PRESERVING RELICS OF THE CHRISTIAN PAST

install the new museum in a stable and secure place, spa-
cious and easy of access, as in one of those endless corridors
in the Vatican Palace, precisely "that vast one in front of the
great Library. "

The pope, who, at first, had thought of setting up this
museum on the Campidoglio — where he had already orga-
nized a paintings gallery and had increased, considerably, the
existing collections of antiquities — acceded to Bottari's sug-
gestions. He decided to create a museum in a space fashioned
at one end of the Gallery of Urban VIII in the Vatican Library,
which previously had housed such notable antiquities as the
famous Albani Collection of medallions, bought in 1738 by
Clement XII (1730-40), and the Etruscan vases of Cardinal
Filippo Antonio Gualterio.

In 1 74 1 , the library was further enriched with the impor-
tant collection of Cardinal Gaspare di Carpegna, who had
been Vicar of Rome from 1671 to 1714. The collection included
funerary lamps and other objects from the catacombs; coins
and medals; countless Roman vases, busts, and statues; as
well as paintings and drawings by major artists. To the same
period dates the acquisition of the lead seals collected by
Francesco Ficoroni, a dealer famous in his day, and the casts
with the impressions of more than 6,500 cameos, owned by

the painter and architect Pier Leone Ghezzi. The papal coins
collected by Saverio Scilla and the gold glass that once be-
longed to Senator Filippo Buonarroti further augmented this
antiquarian assemblage, which was added to by papal pur-
chases and gifts. The whole was installed in the northern wing
of the library, facing the Belvedere, completed by Clement
XII and referred to as the "Museo Vaticano" in contempo-
rary documents, as well as in a large dedicatory inscription
placed there in 1749.

The arrival of another collection, that of Francesco Vettori,
containing clay lamps, cameos, coins, seals, weights and rings,
gold glass, images of Christ in various materials, and other
sacred antiquities, hastened the construction deadline for the
new museum, for whose embellishment Pope Benedict XIV
hired the best- known artists of the day. The entrance was
ennobled by the palace architect Paolo Posi's theatrical per-
spective of marble columns, at the center of which was the
papal coat of arms, flanked by ancient statues. Stefano Pozzi
decorated the ceiling of the room with images of Faith and
the Church Triumphant. Along the walls were ranged twenty
massive walnut bookcases with gilt-bronze mounts, made
especially for the occasion. Later on, the bookcases were
crowned with small bronze busts of the first twenty-four

cardinal-librarians, the work of Luigi Valadier.

On October 4, 1757, with the publication of his apos-
tolic letter "Ad optimarum artium," Benedict XIV decreed the
opening of the Vatican Museums for "publico Litteratorum
commodo." A few days earlier, he had named Vettori as
•their "prefect and curator for life. "

Many more objects were to enrich the museum, among
them, gold glass from the Chigi Collection; the antiquities
collected by Gori of Florence, including important ivory
diptychs; inscriptions and tombstones gathered from all over
Rome by Giuseppe Bianchini; and a number of Early Chris-
tian sarcophagi removed from churches, convents, and villas,
and later restored by the sculptor Bartolomeo Cavaceppi. The
majority of the inscriptions and reliefs were framed and then
walled in above the bookcases. These stone slabs became a
special form of decoration, cut, as they were, from sarcophagi,
and exhibited in a strictly symmetrical way. Unfortunately,
this display necessitated dividing up monuments, assembling
others out of sections from different objects, and even filling
in missing pieces, making identification of the original works
of art virtually impossible.

Vettori went on adding new collections, including that
of Giuseppe Simone Assemani, who had been the library's
primo custode, or first keeper. A major addition, it comprised
sacred antiquities, many of Eastern origin.

Further gains were made by Benedict's successors. Under
Pius VII (1800-1823), paintings with religious subjects, from
the collection of the lawyer Agostino Mariotti, were added
(1820). The pontificate of Gregory XVI (1831-46) saw the
arrival of several collections, notably the gems belonging to
Cardinal Zurla, and ancient Near Eastern seals carved in pre-
cious stones, given by the Polish Jesuit missionary Massimi-
liano Ryllo, upon his return from Persia. There were also
direct purchases. The paintings collection grew steadily, on
the initiative of Monsignor Gabriele Laureani, another primo
custode, who added altarpieces from churches and convents
in the papal states.

The excavations in the catacombs continued, systemati-
cally, to yield up their treasures during the lengthy reign of
Pius IX (1846-78), founder of the Pontificia Commissione
per l'Archeologia Sacra. Meanwhile, the archaeologist Gio-
vanni Battista De Rossi, Prefect of the Museo Cristiano, re-
organized the contents of the museum according to an
updated cataloguing system.

Leo XIII institutionalized the policy of transferring gifts
offered to the pope to the library museums.

It was under Saint Pius X (1903-14) that the Museo
Sacro was endowed with the incomparable Treasury of the
Sancta Sanctorum, a unique concentration of Early Chris-
tian objects. Discovered in 1903 in a large cypress chest within
the altar of the Lateran Oratory of San Lorenzo, at the top
of the Scala Santa, the Treasury consists of reliquaries, ivories,
enamels, textiles (see cat. nos. 37-39), and liturgical
vestments, some dating to the first centuries. Also found in
the Treasury were the "brandea," or strips of linen, that were
especially revered for having touched the bodies of the mar-
tyrs persecuted by the Romans. Transferred in 1906 to the
Vatican, the Treasury was not exhibited publicly until 1934,

FIG. 29. UNKNOWN PAINTER. VISITORS CONSULTING
PRINTS IN THE SALA DELLE STAMPE OF THE VATICAN LIBRARY.
FRESCO, c. 1780-81. APARTMENT OF CARDINAL ZELADA
(NOW THE MUSEO GREGORIANO ETRUSCO)

in the reign of Pius XL At his urging, a total reorganization of
the much-expanded Museo Sacro was undertaken in 1937.
From 1964, the Treasury of the Sancta Sanctorum has been
displayed in the chapel of Saint Pius V, an elegant space that
had been frescoed by Giorgio Vasari and his assistants with
scenes from the life of Saint Peter Martyr.

There are two other areas of exceptional interest in the
Museo Sacro. Under Clement XIV (1769-74), a new room,
the Gabinetto dei Papiri, was planned by the Cardinal-Librarian
Alessandro Albani to display the papyrus scrolls from
Ravenna, dating from the sixth to the ninth century. The deco-
ration was completed during the papacy of Pius VI (1775-99),
as was that of the contemporaneous Museo Profano. The
ceiling by Anton Raphael Mengs is a fine display of neoclas-
sical allegory: History leans upon a defeated Time, while Fame
sounds the trumpet and indicates the door to the "Museo
Clementinum. " Today, the scrolls are stored in the library
proper, and the gallery contains the collection of gold glass
from the catacombs.

From the Gabinetto dei Papiri, one enters the noble Sala
delle Nozze Aldobrandine, named after a Roman fresco that
was found on the Aventine in the early seventeenth century —
and which has become world famous as The Aldobrandini
Wedding — showing the preparations for a nuptial ceremony.
Pius VI acquired it from the Aldobrandini estate and, at first,
placed it in the Borgia Apartment. The Sala delle Nozze Aldo-
brandine, to which Gregory XVI had the fresco moved in
1838, dates to the time of Paul V (1605-21). Its ceiling is
frescoed with episodes from the life of Samson, by Guido
Reni, and among the Roman frescoes in the room is the
Eroine di Tor Marancia, discovered in a house near the Porta
San Sebastiano in 1816. Pius IX added a group of frescoed
scenes from the Odyssey in 1853 and other ancient paintings
and mosaics.

MUSEO PROFANO

Even after the founding of the Museo Sacro, works of
art continued to be exhibited in other parts of the
Vatican Library. For example, most of the Carpegna
Collection of cameos, ivories, and bronzes never
became part of the Museo Sacro, but was shown
instead, along with the Albani medallions, in the Galleria
Clementina, in the north wing of the library, near the Cortile
della Pigna.

The Museo Profano was organized under Clement XIII
(1758-69) in a space that was created by closing off some
arches overlooking the Cortile della Pigna. The walls and
pavement were inlaid with a profusion of costly marbles,
and the ceiling was frescoed also by Pozzi, with an allegory
of the Spirit of Rome wresting some ancient relics from the
hands of Time. Niches beside the entrances were designed to
hold busts of the orators and philosophers of antiquity; today,
they contain bronze heads of the emperors Augustus, Nero,
and Septimius Severus, and of the consul Caelius Balbinus.
Along the side are two large cabinets with marble shelves
and doors of gilt glass. There were two other elegant cabi-
nets: one, of Indian Ficus wood, the gift of Cardinal Albani,
was filled with medals; the other, lined in yellow Portuguese
wood, was surmounted with metal and stone busts and
statuettes. Mosaics with turquoise backgrounds, found at
Herculaneum, were set above the cabinets. Today, the mosaics
are gone, but a fresco of the Museo Profano, in the apartment
of Cardinal Zelada — now the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco —
provides a clue to their appearance.

Above the door in the Museo Profano is the coat of arms
of Clement XIII, inscribed with the name of the pope and
the date, 1767, when the museum was founded — the result
of the efforts of Cardinal Albani, the passionate connoisseur
and Vatican librarian, who was responsible for naming
the renowned archaeologist J. J. Winckelmann as its first
curator.

Another inscription, in bronze, commemorates Pius VI,
to whom we owe the appearance of the room as it is now.
He had the old iron doors of the large cabinets replaced with
the present ones, which bear his arms in gilt bronze, and he
commissioned Andrea Mimmi to build four new cabinets,
based on designs by Luigi Valadier, using precious woods
that, originally, had been brought from Brazil to decorate the
Sacristy of Saint Peter's. A signal accomplishment of Pius
VI — one that gives the Museo Profano much of its present
luster — was to put Valadier, a splendid silversmith, in charge
of refashioning the mountings of the cameos and hard-stones.
In 1779, Valadier was made "Superintendent for the restora-
tion of the ancient bronzes and the mounting of cameos in
both the Museo Sacro and the Museo Profano," and he took
full advantage of the opportunity to create totally new works

of art. He had the largest cameos framed in gold and silver,
flanked by statuettes and colonnettes, and studded with gems,
lesser cameos, gold medallions, and various friezes, combin-
ing the ancient and the modern. They were set upon pedes-
tals and bases of precious marbles. Smaller cameos were
grouped in twos and threes on metal pedestals, with a corre-
spondingly less sumptuous treatment.

Ivory carvings and rock crystals, previously in the
Carpegna Collection, were incorporated into the doors of the
large cabinets. Many of the ivories, in order to fit, were cut
up and resectioned, making identification of the originals
rather difficult.

Luigi Valadier was succeeded by his son Giuseppe, a
well-known architect and the designer of several study cabi-
nets for coins. It was his special task to mount the large
Hellenistic cameo that had belonged to the Gonzaga and then
to Queen Christina of Sweden, and which Pius VI had bought
in 1794 from Prince Odescalchi for 20,000 scudi.

Unfortunately, most of these glorious objects were dis-
persed, together with the medals collection, when the Vati-
can Library was sacked by General Berthier and his officers
during the French occupation of Rome in 1797. Other
treasures, such as the famous Albani medallions, were trans-
ferred to Paris, under the terms of the infamous Treaty of
Tolentino (1797) — never to return. The engravings commis-
sioned by Pius VI from the Calcografia Camerale in 1784 are
a pale reminder of the Museo Profano's original holdings;
the 250 prints reproduce more than 585 objects, of which at
least 200 are cameos with their special mounts.

Despite the greed of the invaders, many treasures es-
caped the pillaging because they were hidden or stored
elsewhere. Remaining in the Museo Sacro were hard-stone
and marble busts and reliefs, bronze statuettes, and, above
all, those objects that were incorporated in the cabinet doors.
Little else was returned after Napoleon's fall and its aftermath,
so that the Museo Profano has not regained its former splendor.
The Museo Sacro has, however, expanded beyond the limits
implied by its name, its collections encompassing objects and
antiquities of a more varied character and origin.

Giovanni Morello

BIBLIOGRAPHY : S . Le Grelle, ' ' Saggio storico delle collezioni numismatiche vaticane, ' '
in C. Serafini, Le monete e le bolle plumbee pontificie del Medagliere Vaticano . . . , Milan,
1910; idem, Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, V, Guida alle Gallerie di Piltura, Rome,
1925; C. Pietrangeli, "II Museo Clementino Vaticano," in Rendiconti della Pontificia
Accademia Romana di Archeologia, XXVII, 1951-52, pp. 87-109; R. Righetti, "Le Opere
di glittica dei Musei annessi alia Biblioteca Vaticana," in Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia
Romana di Archeologia, XVIII, 1955-56, pp. 279-348; C. Pietrangeli, "I Musei Vaticani
al tempo di Pio VI," in Bollettino dei Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, 1, 2, 1959-74,
pp. 7-45; J. Ruysschaert, "The Apostolic Vatican Library," in The Vatican and Chris-
tian Rome, Vatican City, 1975, pp. 307-33; G. Daltrop and A. Prandi, in Art Treasures
of the Vatican Library, New York, n.d.; G. Morello, "II Museo 'Cristiano' di Benedetto XIV,"
in Bollettino dei Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, II, 1981, pp. 53-89.

BOTTOM OF A DRINKING VESSEL,
WITH PORTRAIT BUSTS OF A
HUSBAND AND WIFE

Alexandria, first half of the 3rd century a. d.
Glass and gold foil
Diameter, 4 W (10.8cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.
no. 743

The disk containing the portraits and the in-
scription is intact; its periphery and part of the
rim on the underside — which, originally, formed
the foot of the vessel — are fragmentary. There is
some discoloration, mostly around the border.

The husband and wife are portrayed frontally
before a parapet. She wears a tunic and a palla
knotted at the breast, while he is dressed in a
tunic and pallium from which his right hand,
posed in a gesture of speech, emerges. The
woman's hair is parted in the middle, drawn
back loosely over her ears and gathered at the
nape of her neck. The husband has short hair
and a close-clipped moustache. Just within the
band surrounding the portrait, at the top, is the
Latin inscription gregoribibe[e]tpropinatvis • ,
which Georg Daltrop and Adriano Prandi read
as "Gregori bibe [e]t propina tuis" ("Gregory,
drink and drink to thine").

The details of the costumes and coiffures, and
the naturalistic, classicizing style of this double
portrait, are extremely close to those of the "gold-
glass" portrait in the center of the third-century
gemmed cross in the Museo Civico in Brescia,
thus suggesting a comparable third-century date
for the Vatican example. This medallion is one
of the finest extant in the "brushed technique,"
in which the shadows producing the modeling
are made by a moderately stiff brush. The tech-
nique, which was reserved for portraits, is
thought to exemplify Alexandrian workmanship,
either as practiced in Egypt or by immigrant art-
ists living in Rome.

"Gold glass" was made by attaching a gold-
leaf silhouette to a background of clear or blue
glass by means of a transparent glue — sometimes
honey — and then scratching the design into the
gold leaf with a needle. A second piece of glass
was then fused over the top to protect the work.
Fragments of gold-glass drinking vessels fre-
quently marked specific tombs in the catacombs.
Most scholars believe that the vessels were used
by the deceased during his lifetime, rather than
having been made for funerary purposes. This
piece obviously celebrated the marriage or anni-
versary of the couple. It was found attached to
a tile, in the Catacomb of Pamphilus, on May
31, 1926.

K. R. B.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Daltrop, in Art Treasures of the Vatican
Library, New York, n.d., pp. 48, 168, no. 37, colorplate
p. 53.

CAPSELLA AFRICANA

Early Christian, late 5th-early 6th century
Silver

Height, 4Vs" (10.7cm); length, 6 Vie" (16.3 cm);

width, 2 'Vie" (7.5 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.

no. 859

On the domical lid of this oval reliquary casket,
a saint holds a laurel wreath of martyrdom, as
the hand of God appears from the clouds above
to place another wreath on his head. Two tall
candelabra with flaming candles flank the martyr,
who stands on terraced ground from which flow
the four rivers of Paradise. The sides of the reli-
quary are decorated with imagery symbolizing
salvation through Christ. The principal scene
shows the Lamb of God, with a cross that seems
to rise from behind his back, approached on
either side by four lambs — representing the
apostles — emerging from the portals of two ar-
caded basilicas, behind which are palm trees.
On the other side of the casket, a stag and a doe
crouch to drink from the four rivers of Paradise
(a reference to Psalm 42: 1), which issue from
beneath the cruciform monogram of Christ. The
three scenes are bordered by bands of laurel
wreaths. The base is a modem replacement.

The reliquary was found in 1884 in the ruins
of a small church at Henchir Zirara, near Ai'n-
Beida, in Algeria — one and one-half meters
(about five feet) below the pavement, at the north
comer of the apse — according to a report pre-
pared a few years later and published by Gio-
vanni Battista De Rossi. The reliquary, originally,
was housed in a wooden casket (which subse-
quently disintegrated) and set into an oval cavity
carved in a large block of stone. De Rossi dated
the building to the early sixth century, on the
basis of the style of its architectural sculpture,
but thought that the reliquary had been made
in the fifth century.

Paradisaic imagery, like that on the capsella,
is widespread in Early Christian art, particularly
in monumental church and funerary decorative
programs. Certain aspects of the reliquary,
however, betray its North African origins, espe-
cially the blazing candles flanking the saint, and
the basilicas from which the lambs emerge, the
forms of which resemble that of the basilica on
a mosaic pavement in a church at Tabarka, in
Tunisia, of about a.d. 400.

The capsella's reliefs are executed with verve
and ease, but without proper attention to stylis-
tic details. For example, the martyr's hands are
disproportionate, and the ornamental edging of
the robes is incomplete. In the scene with the
Lamb of God, the artist apparently ran out of
space and, awkwardly, had to squeeze in the
last lamb but one, on the right.

The absence of comparative material makes
it difficult to date the capsella with precision,
but its style appears more in keeping with the
early-sixth-century date of the basilica where it
was found than with De Rossi's fifth-century
date. The capsella lacks the elegant classicism
and the refined finish of the fifth-century silver
oval reliquary in the cathedral of Grado in North-

em Italy (H. Buschhausen, 1971, B.18). Rather,
the treatment of the eyes, hair, and drapery of
the martyr seems closer to that of the figures on
a silver reliquary from the Chersonese (now in
the Hermitage in Leningrad), dated by control
stamps to the reign of Justinian I (527-65) (H.
Buschhausen, 1971, B.21).

M. E.F.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G.-B. De Rossi, "La capsella d'argent
afhcaine," in Bulletin monumental, 55, 1889, pp. 315-97;
H. Buschhausen, Die spatrdmischen Metallscrinia una*
fruhchristlichen Reliquiare, Vienna, 1971, pp. 242-43, B.15;
G. Daltrop, in Art Treasures of the Vatican Library, New
York, n.d„ pp. 64, 170, nos. 60-61, ills. pp. 70, 71.

the bowl's exterior. On the lid, larger palmettes,
inlaid in niello, alternate with smaller palmettes
embellished in gilt. Inside, niello and gilt medal-
lions of abstract designs surround a rosette (lid)
and a Latin monogram (bowl) that has been
variously read as "Adeodatus" or, most re-
cently, by Ernst Kitzinger, as "Pantaleon. " The
shallow knop of the base is inscribed in niello:
addecore[m] capitis beati sebastiani
greg[orius] nn epis[copus] op[us] f[ecit]
(Bishop Gregory IV made the work to adorn
the head of Saint Sebastian).

Early in his reign. Pope Gregory IV (827-44)
transferred Saint Sebastian's relics from the ceme-
tery of the same name on the Via Appia to an
altar in the pope's newly constructed Oratory of
Saint Gregory the Great at Saint Peter's basilica
(Le Liber Pontificate, II, ed. L. Duchesne, 1886-
92, p. 74). He seems to have separated the head
from the other relics and placed it in the silver

bowl, just as Pope Paschal I (817-24), his
predecessor, put the head of Saint Cecilia in an
arcella when her body was brought from its
Roman catacomb to the church in Trastevere
that bears her name (Le Liber Pontificate, op. cit.,
pp. 58-60). The ciborium shape of the bowl-
cwra-reliquary curiously anticipates a reliquary
form that was to become very popular in Eu-
rope from the twelfth century on. Shortly after
Gregory's translation of Saint Sebastian's relics
to Saint Peter's, Leo IV (847-55) brought the
head in its silver reliquary to Santi Quattro
Coronati in Rome, his former titular church, and,
with the relics of numerous other saints, includ-
ing the head of Saint Cecilia, he filled four urns,
which were immured in the crypt below the
main altar (Le Liber Pontificate, op. cit., p. 1 16).

For his reliquary, Gregory IV reused an earlier
silver bowl that was made for the man whose
monogram decorates its interior. It is usually
dated sometime in the sixth or the seventh cen-
tury. The bowl's shape, thick walls, and mode of
decoration derived from such Late Roman and
Early Byzantine covered silver bowls as the
fourth-century example from the Mildenhall
treasure (found in Suffolk, England) and an
early-fifth-century one from Carthage, both in the
British Museum, and a fragmentary seventh-cen-
tury monogrammed bowl in the Musee d'Art et
d'Histoire in Geneva. The reliquary's shallow, re-
fined acanthus forms were also popular on sixth-
century silver plates, such as one with a grazing
horse in the Hermitage. The tightly regularized
pattern of acanthus leaves and palmettes, how-
ever, and the way in which the bowl's framing
lines consistently cut off the tips of the leaves,
as well as the alternating niello and silver gilt
of the palmettes on the lid— although this niel-
lo may have been added by Gregory IV when
he converted the bowl to a reliquary — point to
an early medieval date, perhaps even in the
eighth century.

M. E.F.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: P Liebaert, "Le reliquaire du chef de
Saint Sebastien," in Melanges d'archeologie et d'histoire,
XXXIII, 1913, pp. 479-92; W. F. Volbach, "Reliquie e reli-
quiari orientali in Roma," in Bollettino d'Arte, 30, 1937,
pp. 337-50; J. Braun, Die Reliquiare des christlichen Kultes
und ihre Entwicklung, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1940, pp.
225-26; G. Daltrop, in Art Treasures of the Vatican Library,
New York, n.d., pp. 64, 170, no. 62, ill. p. 70.

RELIQUARY, FOR THE HEAD OF SAINT
SEBASTIAN

Rome, 7th-9th century

Silver, with partial gilding, and niello

Height, 7 1 Vie" (19. 5 cm); diameter, 8 Vie" (20.5cm);

thickness of silver, c. Vs" (c. 3 mm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,

Inv. no. 864

The reliquary is composed of a shallow silver
bowl, raised on a tall base, with a domical lid
crowned by a finial, whose topmost element has
broken away. The bowl has a wide flange deco-
rated with raised ridges into which the smaller
flange of the lid fits securely. The lid's flange is
pierced by four square and four circular holes,
the latter corresponding to holes in the flange
of the bowl, which were used for securing the
lid at different times in its history. Stylized large
and small acanthus leaves in low relief decorate

CASKET, FOR A RELIQUARY OF THE
TRUE CROSS

Rome, 817-24

Silver, with partial gilding, and niello

Length, 11 W (29.5 cm); width, 9%" (25 cm);

height, c. 3 %" (c. 9.8-10 cm); thickness of silver,

c. Vie" (c. 1.5 mm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.

no. 985

This cross-shaped casket once held a richly
gemmed gold cross that contained particles of
the True Cross of Christ and probably also of
the Christ Child's umbilicus and preputium. It
was made for Pope Paschal I (817-24), accord-
ing to the niello inscription surrounding the cen-
tral scene of the Communion of the Apostles on
the lid: paschalis episcopvs plebi dei fieri ivssit.
The casket and its cross were discovered early
in this century with other relics and reliquaries
in a cypress-wood chest that Pope Leo III
(795-816) had placed in the main altar of the
Oratory of San Lorenzo, the Sancta Sanctorum,

which served as the private chapel of the popes
at the Palazzo Lateranense, their residence. The
earliest reference to the silver casket occurs in
the twelfth-century inventory of the oratory writ-
ten by John the Deacon during the reign of
Alexander III (1159-81); although without
specific evidence, it has been suggested that the
relic that it contained and the reliquary of the
sandals of Christ (see cat. no. 39) were brought
to a Church council at the Lateran, during the
time of Nicholas I (858-67) {he Liber Pontificalis,
II, ed. L. Duchesne, 1886-92, p. 157).
The casket is made of thick sheets of silver

100

cut and soldered together and worked in repous-
se on the lid and sides with scenes of events
from the life of Christ. Christ among the Doctors
(Luke 2:46), the Marriage at Cana (John 2:1),
Christ's Mission to the Apostles (Matthew
28:16-20), and his appearance to the apostles
after his resurrection (John 20:19-29) encircle
the lid's central Communion scene. The sides
are decorated with a cycle of events that followed
Christ's resurrection, including the discovery of
the empty tomb by the holy women (Matthew
2 8 : 1 - 1 ; John 2 : 1 - 1 2 ) , C hrist's appearance to
the apostles at Emmaus, as well as other appear-
ances to his apostles (Luke 24:36-50; John 20:
19-29) — beginning with an unusual scene that
may depict Christ conducting Adam from Hades,
as related in the Apocryphal Gospels. The em-
phasis on events after the Crucifixion is approp-
riate for a reliquary that contained the "life-
giving" cross.

The figures on both the lid and the sides are of
squat proportions, with large heads and conven-
tional expressions. Whereas these stylistic traits
may have resulted from working with such thick
silver, they are characteristic of international
ninth-century style, as reflected in such manu-
scripts as the Sacra Parallela (in the Bibliotheque
Nationale in Paris, Gr. 923), formerly thought
to be Roman but recently attributed to Palestine
by Kurt Weitzmann. The style prevailed in Ro-
man works, as well. For example, many of the
drapery patterns on the reliquary — specifically,
the deeply etched double-line folds over the
legs — and the compositional convention of
showing crowds by portraying only the first
figure fully the next partially, and the rest as tops
of heads, are found in the mosaics made for
Pope Paschal I at Santa Prassede and Santa Maria
in Domnica in Rome.

The events depicted on the lid of this casket
seem to have been chosen to honor the Virgin
Mary. She played a prominent role in the Gos-
pel accounts of Christ among the Doctors and
the Marriage at Cana, and was present in the
room through whose closed doors Christ ap-
peared. She is, however, seldom, if ever, shown
at the Communion or Mission of the Apostles,
as she is depicted here, clearly singled out by
Christ. If Pope Paschal I had this reliquary made
for the Oratory of San Lorenzo at the Lateran,
as is usually implied in the literature, the em-
phasis on the Virgin makes little sense. The cas-
ket would have been far more appropriate for
one of the great churches dedicated to the Virgin
in Rome — for example, Paschal's own founda-
tion of Santa Maria in Domnica, or Santa Maria
Maggiore — to which he gave generously dur-
ing his pontificate (he Liber Pontificalis, op. cit.,
pp. 60-63).

M. E.F.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: E Lauer, he Tresor du Sancta Sanctorum
(Fondation Eugene Piot, Monuments etMemoires, 15), 1906,
pp. 49-59, 66-71; H. Grisar, Die rbmische Kapelle Sancta
Sanctorum und ihr Schatz, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1908, pp.
62-80, 97-100; C. Cecchelli, "II tesoro del Laterano," in
Dedalo, 1926-27, VII, pp. 146-54; V. Elbern, "Rom und
die karolingische Goldschmiedkunst," in Roma e I 'eta
carolingia, Istituto di Storia dell' Arte dell'Universitadi Roma,
Rome, 1976, pp. 345-55; A. Prandi, in Art Treasures of the
Vatican Library, New York, n.d., pp. 171-72, nos. 70-74,
ills. pp. 84, 85 (colorplate), 87-89; K. Weitzmann, The
Miniatures of the Sacra Parallela, Parisinus Graecus 923,
Princeton, 1979, pp. 17-18.

CASKET, FOR A RELIQUARY OF THE
TRUE CROSS

Rome, 9th century
Silver gilt

Height, 11 Vie" (30cm); width, top, 7 3 A"(19. 7cm);

bottom, 8 'A" (21 cm); depth, 2 Vie" (6.2 cm);

thickness of silver, c. Vie" (c. 1.5 mm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MuseoSacro, Inv.

no. 1888

This casket, with the silver, cross-shaped reli-
quary displayed next to it (see cat. no. 37), was
found early in this century in the chest in the
main altar of the Sancta Sanctorum. John the
Deacon, a twelfth-century witness, stated that
the chest contained a silver reliquary with an
enameled reliquary of the True Cross inside; both
are now in the Museo Sacro.

On the lid of the casket is a representation of
the enthroned Christ flanked by Saints Peter and
Paul. From beneath the footstool of the throne
flow the four rivers of Paradise on either side of
a flower, symbolic of the paradisaic garden. Christ

101

is adored by the two angels in medallions at the
top.

The hieratic quality of the scene on the cover
is echoed in the smaller panel with the symbols
of the Evangelists flanking the Lamb of God on
the front of the casket. In contrast to these,
however, is the narrative character of the scenes
from Christ's life that appear on the other three
sides: the Annunciation, the Visitation, and the
Nativity, on the right; the three Magi and a shep-
herd gazing at the star of Bethlehem, at the rear;
and the Magi Bringing Gifts and the Presenta-
tion in the Temple(?), on the left. The scenes
complement the more extensive Infancy cycle
on the enameled reliquary cross.

Although the casket is not dated by an inscrip-
tion, it most likely was made for Pope Paschal I
(817-24). The enameled reliquary that it con-
tained bears his inscription, as does the silver,
cross-shaped casket (see cat. no. 37) to which it
is closely related in figural style, material, and
construction (both are made of two sheets of
thick silver cut and bent to shape). The figures
in each are stocky, their faces large and broad,
and their draperies described by a limited number
of double-line folds, with little attempt at varia-
tion in the height of the relief. The figures on
the rectangular casket, however, are poorer in
quality, and the artist less accomplished, although
the caskets probably came from the same Roman
workshop.

Despite the static execution of the rectangu-
lar casket, its hieratic display of figures is
impressive, and the artistic vocabulary clearly

of the time of Pope Paschal I. Notwithstanding
the ineptly foreshortened arms of the apostles
who gesture to Christ, on the lid, in pose Peter
and Paul distinctly resemble the same two apos-
tles in Pope Paschal's mosaic in the apse of Santa
Prassede in Rome.

More broadly interpreted, the scenes on the
lid and on the front, in their retrospective canon,
underscore the casket's position in the art of
Carolingian Rome. Like the subjects of Paschal's
mosaic cycles, they depend on Early Christian
models. Christ flanked by the apostles to the
Jews and the Gentiles, both of whom were mar-
tyred in Rome, was a dominant theme in Early
Christian funerary art and in monumental apse
compositions. The Lamb of God and the sym-
bols of the apostles, moreover, appeared on the
arch of triumph of more than one Early Chris-
tian basilica. Thus, this casket takes its place
among the recorded works that bear witness to
the conscious revival of Early Christian Rome
in the late eighth and the ninth century.

M. E.F.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. Lauer, Le Tresor du Sancta Sanctorum
(Fondation Eugene Piot, Monuments etMemoires, 15), 1906,
pp. 28, 60-66; H. Grisar, Die romische Kapelle Sancta Sancto-
rum und ihr Schatz, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1908, pp. 81-
83; C. Cecchelli, "II tesoro del Laterano," in Dedalo,
1926-27, VII, pp. 146-54; A. Prandi, in Art Treasures of
the Vatican library, New York, n.d., p. 173, nos. 78-81,
ills. pp. 94, 95; V. Elbern, "Rom und die karolingische
Goldschmiedkunst," in Roma e I'etd carolingia, Istituto di
Storia dell' Arte dell'Universita di Roma, Rome, 1976, pp.
345-55.

THE ANNUNCIATION

Constantinople, 8th-early 9th century
Silk-compound twill

Height, 13 'A " (33 .7 cm); width, 2 7 " (68. 6 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.
no. 2446

The Annunciation to Mary appears twice, in
repeat pattern, within beautifully designed me-
dallions on this very fine and rare fragment of
silk. The Archangel Gabriel approaches the
Virgin, who sits on a jeweled throne flanked by
baskets for the wool with which she was be-
lieved to have woven the veil of the temple in
Jerusalem. The fabric lined the rectangular sil-
ver reliquary for the sandals of Christ (see cat.
no. 37), one of the most precious relics of the
Sancta Sanctorum at the Lateran in Rome, where
the reliquary is recorded as early as the mid-
ninth century.

The Annunciation, like a similar silk fragment
depicting the Nativity, also from the Sancta
Sanctorum, was probably cut from fabric im-
ported from Constantinople and used for one of
the hundreds of curtains that were given to
Roman churches by the popes during the eighth
and ninth centuries, as recorded in the Liber
Pontificalis. One of these curtains, with a medal-
lion of the Nativity comparable in size to that of
The Annunciation silk, was illustrated in the fres-

102

coes that Pope John VII (705-7) had painted
in the church of Santa Maria Antiqua in the
Roman Forum.

The richness and complexity of the design and
coloration of The Annunciation place it in the
forefront of a group of highly prized decorative
silks, many with secular subjects, that survive
because they were used in Western medieval
churches to wrap relics. In style, it is particularly
close to a group of silks recently dated to the
ninth century, including a fragment with two
warriors in the Abegg-Stiftung Bern, in Riggis-
berg, Switzerland. The figures have broad faces
and large eyes set high in their foreheads, with
big, round, black pupils that appear to be sus-
pended from the upper eyelids. The figures' light
brown hair is described by a limited number of
repeated dark lines and swirls; the noses, seen
in three-quarter view, have a curious sharp in-
dentation to show — not very successfully — the
shape of the nostrils; the hands are rendered
expressively. The draperies are formed of strong-
ly defined, broad folds; Gabriel's are animated
by numerous gold patches.

The task of finding stylistic parallels to the
Vatican silk outside the medium is rendered ex-

tremely difficult by the dearth of art that sur-
vived the proscription of religious imagery in
the Byzantine world in the mid- to late eighth
century, and, again, in the early to mid-ninth
century. The full faces, with their prominent eyes,
however, are characteristic of some late-eighth-
and early-ninth-century icons recently discov-
ered at the Monastery of Saint Catherine on
Mount Sinai. The gold banding of the angel's
robes is found in the frescoes at Santa Maria
Foris Portas in Castelseprio in Northern Italy,
probably of the eighth or ninth century, and in
some Early Carolingian manuscripts. Finally, the
facial features, drapery style, and, especially, the
form of the hands and their gestures can be seen
in late-ninth-century Byzantine art — as in the
mosaics of Hagia Sophia inThessalonike, which
seem to reflect the style developed during the
previous century.

M. E. F.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Prandi, in Art Treasures of the Vati-
can Library, New York, n.d., pp. 104, 174, no. 94, colorplate
p. 109; J. G. Beckwith, "Byzantine Tissues," in Actes du
XW e Congres international des etudes byzantines, Bucharest,
1971 (pub. 1974), pp. 343-53.

TRIPTYCH, WITH DEESIS AND SAINTS

Byzantine, late Wth-early 11th century

Ivory, partially painted and gilded

Closed: height, 9 'Vie" (25.2 cm), width, 6 9 A 6 "

(16.7cm), depth, 1 Vs" (2.9 cm); open: width,

13" (33 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,

Inv. no. 2441

Christ sits on a richly jeweled throne, flanked
by archangels, in the upper register of the trip-
tych's central panel. The Virgin and Saint John
the Baptist stand on either side of him and raise
their hands in supplication, in a composition
called a Deesis, which illustrates the prayers of
intercession in the Byzantine liturgy. A frieze of
apostles' busts divides the upper from the lower
register, where five other apostles stand in various
postures of speech and contemplation. Military,
medical, and bishop saints and martyrs, shown
full length or in bust medallions, are similarly

103

40 (back of central panel)

displayed on the two sides of the wings. A jew-
eled cross set in a vine scroll (both, partially
painted and gilded) decorates the back of the
central panel. Originally, the haloes, furniture,
angels' wings, and the decorative jeweled and
embroidered areas of the clothing also were gilt,
and the incised inscriptions filled with red paint.

Parts of the backgrounds of the central and
left panels, including the right arms of the Vir-
gin and Saint John, the right angel's left wing,
and the triptych's base and hinges, are replace-
ments that were made before the first publica-
tion of the triptych in 1755, when the ivory
belonged to Pope Benedict XTV (1740-58), who
had acquired it from a collection in Todi, Italy.

The artist of this triptych sought to create a
balance between reality and the spiritual world.
He carved his figures in high relief, with excep-
tional skill and sensitivity (some, like Christ, the
Virgin, and Saint John, are deeply undercut), in
carefully differentiated poses and expressions.
Yet, no two figures communicate directly with
each other; the saints seem to contemplate pri-
vately the glory of Christ, and to reinforce the
prayers of the Virgin and Saint John for the sal-
vation of mankind — especially, for that of the
triptych's owner. The jeweled cross in paradise,
on the reverse, represents Christ's triumph over
death, which opened the way for man's salvation.

Two other ivory triptychs of similar iconogra-
phy and fine quality survive. One, of the sec-
ond half of the eleventh century (in the Louvre) ,
still has its original cornice and base; the other
(in the Museo del Palazzo Venezia in Rome)
bears inscriptions that probably refer to the Em-
peror Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos (912-59) .
Although the three triptychs do not seem to be
copied one from the other, they clearly belong
to a particular type of image that was suitable
for imperial — or, at least, aristocratic — patrons.
The Vatican triptych should be dated between
the other two. Its figures are less realistically por-
trayed than those of the Palazzo Venezia ivory,
yet its three-dimensional modeling still has a

subtlety that is lacking in the Louvre triptych.
The faces and throats of the figures, for example,
are carved with a feeling for the bone and mus-
cle structure beneath the skin, as occurs on ear-
lier tenth-century ivories, such as the paired
apostles on plaques in Vienna, Dresden, and
Venice. The figures on the triptych, however, are
less volumetrically conceived than the apostles
on these ivories, and seem to resemble works of
the late tenth and early eleventh century in
Byzantium — among them the miniature of
Christ in a Gospel lectionary at Mount Sinai
(Ms. 204, fol. 1 r.), and some standing saints
in the Menologium of Basil II in the Vatican
Library (Ms. gr. 185, pp. 124, 349, 424).

M. E.E

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Goldschmidt and K. Weitzmann, Die
byzantinischen Elfenbeinskulpturen des X-XIII Jahrhun-
derts, II, Berlin, 1934, no. 32, reprinted with a new
foreword, Berlin, 1979; C. R. Morey, Gli oggetti di avorio e di
osso del Museo Sacro Vaticano. Catalogo del Museo Sacro
Vaticano, I, Vatican City, 1936, no. A 68; I. Kalavrezou-
Maxeiner, "Eudokia Makrembolitissa and the Romanos
Ivory," in Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 31, 1977, pp. 305-25.

SAINT THEODORE TYRO

Constantinople, first half of the 14th century
Miniature mosaic

Height, 5 W (14 cm); width, 2 W (6.4 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 1191

Saint Theodore Tyro, one of the most popular
military saints in Byzantium, is depicted in this
small mosaic icon made of miniature cubes of
glass, marble, and semiprecious stones, set in a
wax base and framed and backed in wood.
Originally, the frame was covered by a larger,
probably ornamental, silver one. The saint,
clothed in elaborate military costume that de-
rives, ultimately, from Roman models, stands
on a multicolored floor against a gilt background.
His vermilion tunic and cuirass and his deep-
emerald cloak are shot with gold, and his red
trousers are decorated with light-green and gold
zigzags, a color scheme repeated in the brightly
colored halo and in the image's mosaic floor,
patterned with crosses. His shoes are bound with
white fasciae. A large, oblong shield is slung over
his back, suspended from a white band that ex-
tends across his chest. He holds a silver-tipped
spear in his right hand and, from under his cloak,
he clutches the hilt of his sword with his left.
The rich coloration of the mosaic is completed
by a framing line of gold and white tesserae and
by a black inscription in Greek identifying the
saint. A later inscription on a metal plaque at-
tached to the lower-right corner calls Theodore
a general and a martyr.

Although there has been some loss of mosaic
cubes in the cloak, hair, and beard, and in the
background behind the saint's legs, the artistic
delicacy and sensitivity of the icon shine forth.
Saint Theodore's face, for example, is subtly
modeled in beige and yellow tones, his cheeks,
ears, and nostrils highlighted with rose pink.
The virtuoso technique is also evidenced by the
minute tesserae used to form the saint's neck.

The richness of the materials and the refine-

ment of the imagery are characteristic of the small
body of miniature portable icons that survives.
The earliest example dates from the eleventh
century, but the majority seem to have been made
in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. As
Otto Demus has pointed out, the icons portray
subjects that were appropriate to the Byzantine
imperial court, such as Saint Theodore, who,
together with Saints Demetrius, George, and The-
odore Stratelates, was a patron of the emperor.
Most of the miniature icons probably were made
for the imperial family or the high aristocracy,
to be used for themselves or as gifts.

This icon of Saint Theodore is related to other
portraits of military saints of the early fourteenth
century — such as those in the frescoes of the
Kariye Djami in Istanbul — not only in his ele-
gant and colorful costume and his soft, curly
hair piled high on his head, but also in his long-
waisted and attenuated body and his flexed left
leg (which imparts action to an otherwise static,
relatively diminutive figure). In concept, Saint
Theodore, however, is less vigorous, and more
delicate and stylized, than the saints in the
frescoes, probably indicating that the icon dates
from sometime during the second quarter of the
fourteenth century. M. E. E

BIBLIOGRAPHY: O. Demus, "Two Palaeologan Mosaic
Icons in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection," in Dumbarton
Oaks Papers, 14, 1960, pp. 87-119; A. Prandi, in Art Trea-
sures of the Vatican Library, New York, n.d., pp. 177-78,
no. 120, colorplate p. 135; I. Furlan, he tone bizantine a
mosaico, Milan, 1979, no. 38.

104

DIPTYCH

Central Italy, Rambona, c. a.d. 900
Ivory

Height, 12 'A" (31.1 cm); total width, 10V 4 "
(27.3 cm)

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2442

During the Carolingian era, the format of Late
Antique consular diptychs was revived for eccle-
siastical purposes. This important example
comes from the convent abbey of Rambona
(near Ancona).

The left panel is divided into three zones. In
the center is the Crucifixion of the living trium-
phant Christ, between the Virgin — above whose
head is the inscription mvlier en (His mother)
— and Saint John, identified by the inscription
dissipvle ecce (Behold the apostle). The cross
is surmounted by an oversized double placard
inscribed ego svm ihs nazarenvs/rex ivdeorvm
(I am Jesus of Nazareth/King of the Jews). To
the left and right, the Sun and the Moon witness
the event, while, at the top, two angels support
a medallion portraying God the Father offering
a benediction. Below the Crucifixion is the
unusual, if not unique, representation of the
she -wolf suckling Romulus and Remus, which
carries the inscription rom vlvs et rem vlvs a l vpa
nvtriti (Romulus and Remus fed by the wolf).

The right panel, likewise, is organized into
three zones. At the top, the enthroned Virgin
and Child are positioned between two seraphim,
who stand on interlaced circles. Standing below,
amidst inhabited vine tendrils, are the three pa-
tron saints of the abbey of Rambona, and at the
bottom is a semiprostrate saint holding palm
branches (?). These scenes are accompanied by
the quasi-literate inscription confessoris dni
scis gregorivs silvestro fla/viani cenobio
rambona ageltrvda constrvxi/qvod ego
odelrigvs infimvs dni serbvs et abbas/scvlpire
mini bit in domino amen, loosely translated
as: "To the saints Gregory, Silvester, and Flavian,
confessors of Christ, for the monastery of Ram-
bona, which Ageltruda built. I, Odelricus, who
humbly serve God, request this sculpture to be
made . " Based upon this inscription, it would
seem that the diptych was carved locally for the
Abbot Odelricus, in honor of the monastery of
Rambona and its patron saints. However, it is
not certain whether the Ageltruda referred to is
the spouse of Guido, Count of Spoleto, who
became King of Italy, and then emperor in 891.
A document of 898 mentions the territory of
Rambona where the monastery stands. The ap-
pearance of the she- wolf at the foot of the cross,
and the victorious aspect of this interpretation
of the Crucifixion, might be an allusion to Agel-
truda as the representative of a new Christian
Empire in Rome.

Certain aspects of the style of the diptych
would tend to support a date of about 900. The
flat, linear treatment of the figures, in combi-
nation with the geometric reduction of the
drapery folds, produces a formal and hieratic
composition of densely filled surfaces that are
characteristic of the late phase of Langobardic

sculpture. The introduction of the tendril motif,
especially, enhances the diptych pictorially,
as in other early-tenth-century Northern Italian
ivories — such as the panels with the four Evan-
gelists, in Lyons, or the book cover with symbols
of the Evangelists, in Cologne (A. Goldschmidt,
I, 1914, nos. 170-174). The abstraction of the
human form — which functions more as a sacred
symbol — evolves directly from Langobardic art
of the eighth century. The figures in the Christ
in Majesty on the stone altar of Duke Ratchis,
of about 740, in the church of San Martino in
Cividale, display the same geometric reduction
on the part of the sculptor as those in the
Rambona diptych. Thus, the diptych is a late
manifestation of the Langobardic style that was
still flourishing in central Italy about 900.

Both panels terminate in continuous crenel-
lated crowns, this striking geometric openwork
at the lower edge of the frame clearly based upon
early Islamic decoration. It is difficult to under-

stand this type of design within the context of
Langobardic art, since no comparable example
of such a juxtaposition exists. Alternatively,
Charles R. Morey has proposed that the ivory is
actually of Islamic origin, imported from the East
and subsequently planed down and carved with
Christian scenes. During the Carolingian period,
the recycling of earlier ivories was commonplace,
due to the apparent shortage of new materials,
and the Rambona diptych may be a rare mani-
festation of this phenomenon.

C. T. L.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Goldschmidt, Die Elfenbeinskulpturm
aus der Zeit der karolingischen und sachsischen Kaiser,
VIII.-XI. Jahrhundert, I, Berlin, 1914-18, no. 181; C. R.
Morey, Gli oggetti di avorio e di osso del Museo Sacro Vaticano.
Catalogo del Museo Sacro, I, Vatican City, 1936, no. A 62,
pp. 60-62; H. Fillitz, "Die Spatphase des 'Langobardischen'
Stiles," in Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen
in Wien, XVIII, 1958, pp. 7-72; A. Prandi, in Art Trea-
sures of the Vatican Library, n.d., pp. 113, 175-76, nos.
103-104, ills. pp. 117, 118.

105

PLAQUE FROM A BOOK COVER, WITH
A MAIESTAS DOMINI

Italy, Venice or Amalfi
Late llth-early 12th century
Ivory

Height, 9 9 A 6 " (24.3 cm); width, 5 Vie" (12.9 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2443

This imposing Maiestas Domini was originally
the central composition of a book cover. Other
individual related ivory plaques in the Museo
Nazionale in Ravenna and in the Abegg-Stiftung
Bern aided Adolph Goldschmidt (1926, IV, pp.
43-44, nos. 147-150, pi. LIII) and Charles R.
Morey (1936, pp. 68-70, no. A 71, pi. 14) in
reconstructing one side of the book cover; the
other side, they believed, also consisted of ivory
plaques arranged around a Crucifixion panel (in
the Musee de Cluny in Paris) . Clearly, this other
cover is a later pastiche, as indicated by the vari-
ant coloring and measurements, the recutting

of several of the plaques, and by the addition of
a new plaque and spacing strips when the
"pseudo-cover" in the Musee de Cluny was
made up (D. MacK. Ebitz, 1979, pp. 136-67,
figs. 80-83). A more radical reconstruction out
of the same ivories can be proposed: the Vati-
can Maiestas Domini mounted on one cover,
framed by a border of medallions containing
busts of the twelve apostles and an Evangelist
symbol at each corner. This reconstruction, with
Christ enthroned in a mandorla, flanked by a
cherub (cherv/bin) and a seraph (sera/phin;)
and by the Evangelists' symbols, conforms to
standard iconography of the Carolingian period
in the West. The message inscribed in the open
book that Christ holds on his knee, eg o/sv[m]re/
svrrec/cioet/vita; (John 1 1:25), figures, tradi-
tionally, in Last Judgment iconography: as the
Son of God, Christ judges; as the Son of Man,
he redeems the sin of Adam and offers the resur-
rection and the life by suffering the Crucifixion
— depicted on the other side of the reconstruct-
ed book cover. Saints Gervasius (s[anctvs]
ger/vasi/vs,) andProtasius (p[ro]ta/si/vs) appear
below Christ in the Maiestas Domini; their parents,
Saints Vitalis and Valeria, are shown below
the Crucifixion.

While the iconography is Western, the unusu-
al style of the Crucifixion and of the Maiestas
Domini with the Last Judgment is based largely
on Middle Byzantine models — specifically, on
several eleventh-century enamels (cf. K. Wessel,
Byzantine Enamels, Greenwich, Conn., 1967, figs.
34, 37 a; L. von Matt, Die Kunstsammlungen der
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Rom, Cologne, 1969,
pis. 82-83). Such design elements as the chev-
ron pattern of nested V folds on the garments of
Gervasius and Protasius are identical to the folds
in two alternating colors on these Byzantine
enamels (K. Wessel, op. cit., 1967, pp. 29, 128,
142, 145-46, figs. 30, 45 d-f, 46 o). Based on
the epigraphy of the numerous inscriptions and
on the overall arrangement of each cover — a
border of busts in medallions framing a central
image (cf. K. Wessel, op. cit., figs. 13 a-b, 25,
27 a-b, 41 a; L. von Matt, op. cit., 1969, pis. 82,
84-85) — the Vatican ivory dates the book cover
to 1100 (the crudely inscribed "1247" on the
border is a later addition). Because of their
eccentric style, Hermann Schnitzler (1965, pp.
226-27) suggested that the plaques were manu-
factured in the seventeenth or eighteenth century,
perhaps in Milan, but Hermann Fillitz (1967,
pp. 32-34) compared them, despite differences
in subject matter, with secular Fatimid-style ivory
horns and caskets. This connection is evidenced
by such identical motifs as wings, the similarity
with which figures are articulated by neat, par-
allel incisions on the flat surface of the relief,
and the equal emphasis on negative spaces be-
tween areas in relief. These are works from the
same source. An inscription on a Fatimid-style
ivory writing case in The Metropolitan Muse-
um of Art has led some scholars to attribute these
ivories to a shop of transplanted Muslims
working, perhaps, in Amalfi during the elev-
enth century. However, it is equally plausible that
the workshop can be located in Venice, because
of the strong correspondence between the saints
on the book cover — including the unusual Saint
Hermagoras — and saints with cults or church
dedications in Venice, such as Gervasius, Prota-
sius, and Vitalis.

106

Whether carved in Venice or Amain, the
Maiestas Domini and the related plaques are a
hybrid of Western iconography, Byzantine
models, and the Fatimid style, characteristic of
the political, economic, religious, and cultural
situation of Italy, between the East and the West,
during the Middle Ages.

The Maiestas Domini plaque is first mentioned
in 1756 as being in the Camaldolese monastery
on the island of San Michele in the Venetian
lagoon. By the mid-nineteenth century it was
in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.

D. MacK. E.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Goldschmidt, Die Elfenbeinskulpturen
aus der romanischen Zeit, XI.-XHI. Jahrhundert, IV, Berlin,
1926, pp. 4, 43-44, no. 149, pi. LIII; C. R. Morey, Gli
oggetti di avorio e di osso del Museo Sacro Vaticano. Catalogo
delMuseo Sacro, I, Vatican City, 1936, pp. 68-70, no. A 71,
pi. 14; H. Schnitzler, 'Ada-EIfenbeine des Barons v.
Hiipsch," in Festschrift fur Herbert von Einem, eds. Gert
von der Osten and Georg Kauffmann, Berlin, 1965,
pp. 226-27; H. Fillitz, Zwei Elfenbeinplatten aus Suditalien
(Monographien der Abegg-Stiftung Bern, 2), Bern, 1967,
pp. 8-9, 32-34, fig. 5; D. MacK. Ebitz, "Two Schools of
Ivory Carving in Italy and Their Mediterranean Context
in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries," Ph.D. dissertation,
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., 1979, pp. 128-385,
fig. 71.

DIPTYCH, WITH SCENES FROM THE
LIFE OF CHRIST AND THE VIRGIN

Northeastern (?) France, c. 1250
Ivory

Height, 12 " (30. 5 cm); width, 7 >/ 2 " (19 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2444

During the Gothic era, a new preference for small
portable ivory images for private devotion found
its most characteristic form in the diptych. This
elegant carving, chronologically, is one of the
earliest Gothic diptychs, and revives a format
not used in the Latin West since the ninth cen-
tury (see cat. no. 42). One wing focuses on an
abbreviated cycle of the life of the Virgin and
the other on the Passion of Christ, with each
organized into registers composed of articulated
arcades. On the left, reading from the third
register down, are the Annunciation and the
Nativity; the Massacre of the Innocents and the
Flight into Egypt; and the Adoration of the Magi.
On the right are the Crucifixion; the Deposition;
and the Lamentation. In the gables surmounting
the left three registers is the Coronation of the
Virgin, and, on the right, the Last Judgment. A
certain centrality in the compositions of the in-
dividual scenes, and the enlargement of the axial
figures, ultimately dictated the organization of
the overall design program.

This diptych, as well as a triptych (with painted
wings) in Lyons were made by the same atelier
of ivory carvers and are distinguished by a com-
parable formal elegance and by vigorously mod-
eled figures composed within an architectural
system. Other closely related diptychs (in the
Wallace Collection in London, and the Hermit-
age in Leningrad) share nearly identical scenes.
In spite of the relative homogeneity of this ivory
group, there is little agreement regarding the lo-
calization of the atelier that produced it. While

Morey regarded the ivories as Northern Italian,
most scholars consider them Northern French,
of the later thirteenth century. The large geomet-
ric volumes of the figures have been compared
to the mid-thirteenth-century illuminations in
the scroll of Saint Eloi (in the Musee Carnavalet
in Paris; D 7075); indeed, such ivories originally
were polychromed. The style, likewise, has been
linked to monumental sculpture, as revealed by
the suppleness of the folds. The aristocratic atti-
tudes of the gracefully carved figures justifiably
might be compared to the sculpture of Reims
Cathedral, as they have been to that of Therou-

anne. The significance of this ivory group, how-
ever, lies in the fact that it initiated a carving
tradition that lasted until the beginning of the
Renaissance.

C.T.L.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: R. Koechlin, Les Ivoires francais, I, Paris,
1924, p. 82, II, Paris, 1924, no. 37; C. R. Morey, Gli oggetti
di avorio e di osso del Museo Sacro Vaticano. Catalogo del Museo
Sacro, I, Vatican City, 1936, no. A 82; L. Grodecki, Ivoires
francais: arts, styles et techniques, Paris, 1947, pp. 90-91;
D. Gaborit-Chopin, Ivoires du moyen age, Fribourg, 1978,
pp. 114, 206; R Verdier, "Le triptyche d'ivoire a volets
peints," in Bulletin des Musees et Monuments Lyonnais, VII,
1982, pp. 17-30.

107

HEXALOBE PLAQUE, WITH THE
RESURRECTION OF CHRIST

Siena, early 14th century

Copper, with champleve enamel and gilding

Diameter, 3" (7.6cm)

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2434

Well preserved, this small hexalobe copper
plaque is remarkable for the dramatic impact of
its color and its linear composition. Opaque dark
blue and red enamel offset the gilt border and
the gilt reserved figure composed of engraved,
enamel-filled lines. Christ, cross-nimbed and
wearing only a loose mantle, rises from an open
sarcophagus, the lid of which has been pushed

SIX MEDALLIONS, WITH SAINTS
CATHERINE OF ALEXANDRIA,
ELIZABETH OF HUNGARY, LOUIS OF
TOULOUSE, JAMES THE GREAT,
PAUL, AND PETER
Siena, after 1317 ore. 1320
Copper, with champleve enamel and gilding
Diameters, without frames, 2 'A-2 Vie" (5. 7-5. 9 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. nos. 2435-2440

Except for the chipped background above Saint
Catherine' s left shoulder, these imposing medal-
lions are in excellent condition. It is uncertain
when their cast-and-tooled frames were made.
W Frederick Stohlman considered them modern.
A similar frame is found on a closely related but
slightly larger enameled medallion with Saint
Anthony in the Kunstgewerbemuseum in East
Berlin (P. de Castris, 1980, fig. 4).

The opaque enamel of the present medallions
is dark blue in the backgrounds and red in the
various details. As in the Resurrection plaque
(cat. no. 45), the figures are reserved in copper
gilt, with interior enamel-filled engraved lines
and hatchings. Two of the backgrounds have re-
served ornamentation in copper gilt: the fleurs-

back at an abrupt angle. He triumphantly holds
a long thin staff, surmounted by a cross and
bearing a fluttering cross -decorated banner. His
left foot rests on the forward edge of the sarcoph-
agus, in front of which four sleeping soldiers in
chain mail and Gothic armor are sprawled. The
sky is punctuated by a series of stars in reserve.
Rosettes, also in reserve, are centered in the loz-
enges that mark the points interspersed among
the lobes. Three of these rosettes have suffered
later drilling. While the original context of the
plaque is uncertain, it once must have been held
in place by a bezel.

In proportions and linear animation, the figure
style is loosely related to the panels with Pas-
sion subjects on the back of Duccio's Maestd (of
1308-11) in Siena. However, the specific style
of the Resurrection plaque is characteristic of a
series of Sienese enamels dating from the end
of the thirteenth into the first decades of the four-
teenth century. Included in this series are the

de-lis behind Saint Louis and the shells behind
Saint James. The narrow, red encircling bands in
four of the medallions are decorated with tiny re-
served diagonal crosses or quatrilobes (Saints
Catherine, Louis, James, and Paul). Three of
the busts are frontal (Saints Louis, James, and
Paul) ; the remaining ones are rendered in three-
quarter view.

All six saints are nimbed, and bear one or
more attributes, which, in lieu of inscriptions,
readily identify them. Saint Catherine holds a
palm in her right hand and the wheel of her
martyrdom in her veiled left hand. In her veiled
right hand Saint Elizabeth holds a flaming pot,
a symbol of spiritual love, to which she points
with her left hand. Saint Louis, youthful and
beardless, wears a bishop's miter and holds a
crosier, an episcopal symbol of pastoral authority,
in his left hand; he gives an episcopal blessing
with his right. Saint Paul, bald and with a long
beard, clutches a sword and a book. Peter, with
curly hair and short beard, grasps his keys and
a book.

While the original context of these medallions
is unknown, they probably belonged to a larger
group that once decorated an altar — in a man-
ner similar to the enameled medallions on the
altar of Saint James in Pistoia (M.-M. Gauthier,
1972, pp. 208-12, 385-86, ill. 163). Thus, they
may have been part of the border divisions that
separated a series of larger images in a christo-
logical or hagiographical cycle.

medallions on the late-thirteenth-century altar
of Saint James in Pistoia Cathedral (M.-M.
Gauthier, 1972, pp. 208-12, 385-86, ill. 163),
the six medallions with busts of saints in the
Vatican (see cat. no. 46), and the quatrilobe
enamels on the early-fourteenth-century in-
scribed processional cross from Trequanda, near
Siena, and now in Cleveland (W. D. Wixom,
1979, pp. 133-39, figs. 86-87, 89, 90-94, and
back cover in color) . The technique of using
opaque enamel — dark blue in the background,
red in decorative details, and enamel-filled
engraved lines in the figures in reserve — con-
tinues that of an earlier and contemporary group
of enameled objects produced in the Upper
Rhine, such as the processional cross (of about
1280) from the Lake Constance region, also
now in Cleveland (H.-J. Heuser, 1974, pp.
156-57, figs. 313-323; W. D. Wixom, 1979,
p. 139, fig. 99; see also M.-M. Gauthier, 1972,
pp. 267-68, 388, 407, ills. 216, 217).

The figural style, physiognomic types, and
the fluid, curvilinear drapery, in general, reflect
contemporary Sienese painting. The figures of
Simone Martini (c. 1284-1344) seem especially
similar, particularly several in his Maestd fresco
(of 1315) in the Palazzo Pubblico in Siena, or
his representation of Saint Louis on a panel of
1317 in Naples.

The technique is identical to that of the Resur-
rection plaque, although the scale of the figures
in the medallions is larger and, by contrast,
almost heroic. A medallion inscribed "Saint
Elizabeth," in the Louvre, closely allied with the
present series in both style and technique, has
been variously attributed. Guccio di Mannaia,
the artist of the translucent enameled quatrilobes
on the signed chalice in Assisi, the gift of Pope
Nicholas IV (1288-92), was suggested by
Gauthier (1972, pp. 212-14, 388, ill. 166) as the
artist of the Louvre enamel. Tondino di Guerrino,
one of two artists responsible for the translu-
cent enamels on a signed chalice in the British
Museum, was assigned to the Louvre plaque by
Pierluigi Leone de Castris (1980, p. 25). Another
clearly related medallion, that of Saint Anthony
in Berlin, and a rectangular plaque of the
Enthroned Virgin and Child with Saints Peter
and Paul in the Bargello in Florence — both ex-
amples of opaque enamels with enamel-filled
engraved figures in reserve — also have been at-
tributed to Tondino by de Castris (1980, pp.
24-27) . Without accepting any attribution to a

Inexplicably, Gauthier attributed the Resurrec-
tion hexalobe to the master of the translucent
enamel Passion plaques on the large reliquary
of the Bolsena Corporal by Ugolino di Vieri and
associates, dated 1338, in the cathedral of
Orvieto. This date seems too late for the present
work, which, stylistically and technically, is more
akin to the medallions on the Pistoia altar.

W. D. W.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. F. Stohlman, GliSmaltidelMuseoSacro
Vaticano (Catalogo del Museo Sacro delta Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana, II), Vatican City, 1939, pp. 43-44, pi. XXII, no.
S 73; M.-M. Gauthier, Emaux du moyen age occidental,
Fribourg, 1972, p. 388, no. 168, ill.

Comparative works cited: H.-J. Heuser, Oberrheinische
Goldschmiedekunst im Hochmittelalter, Berlin, 1974, pp.
156-57, figs. 313-323; W. D. Wixom, "Eleven Additions
to the Medieval Collection," in Bulletin of The Cleveland
Museum of Art, LXVI, 3, March-April 1979, no. X, pp.
133-39, figs. 86-87, 89, 90-94, 99.

specific artist, we can easily recognize a com-
mon style and technique in the Vatican, Louvre,
Berlin, and Bargello enamels. Slightly variant,
stylistically, and by a different hand, is the tech-
nically identical, inscribed processional cross from
Trequanda in Cleveland (W. D. Wixom, 1979,
pp. 133-39, figs. 86-87, 90-94, and back cover
in color).

A terminus post quern is provided by the date
of 1317 for the canonization of Saint Louis of
Toulouse, shown nimbed in the Vatican medal-
lion. A date immediately following for the six
Vatican medallions is confirmed by their stylistic
affinity to the work of Simone Martini.

These enamels were in the collections of
Clement XIII (1758-69). Their earlier history

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W F. Stohlman, GliSmalti del Museo Sacro
Vaticano (Catalogo del Museo Sacro della Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana, II), Vatican City, 1939, pp. 44-45, nos. S 76-S 81,
pi. XXII; M.-M. Gauthier, Emaux du moyen age occidental,
Fribourg, 1972, pp. 388-89, no. 169, ill. (Saint Louis of
Toulouse); R de Castris, "Tondino di Guerrino e Andrea
Riguardi orafi e smaltisti a Siena (1308-1338)," in Pro-
spettiva, 21, April 1980, p. 24; M.-M. Gauthier, "Emaux
gothiques," in Revue de I'art, 51, 1981, p. 36, fig. 8 (Saint
Catherine).

Comparative works cited: M.-M. Gauthier, op. cit., 1972,
pp. 208-14, 385-86, 388, ills. 163, 166; W. D. Wixom,
"Eleven Additions to the Medieval Collection," in Bulletin
of The Cleveland Museum of Art, LXVI, 3, March- April 1979,
no. X, pp. 133-39, figs. 86-87, 89, 90-94, and back cover
in color; R de Castris, op. cit. , 1980, pp. 24-27.

PAIR OF MEDALLIONS, WITH THE
PORTRAIT OF POPE PAUL II (1464-71)
AND THE BARBO COAT OF ARMS

Florence, 1464-71
Silver, niello, and silver gilt
Diameter, Paul II and coat of arms, each, 1 % "
(4.5 cm)

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. nos. 2079, 2085

The two roundels decorated the front and back
of the binding of a manuscript presented to Paul
II: Aristea. Ad Philocratem fratrem (Vat. lat. 8913).
Known as The Letter ofAristeas, the manuscript
is the first translation into Latin, by the Pisan
Mattia Palmieri, of a third-century-B.c. Hellenistic
text referring to the Septuagint version of the
Pentateuch. The illumination on its first page,
the work of a Roman miniaturist, shows Palmieri
offering his book to the pope (Quinto Centenario,
1976, p. 16).

The two niello medallions suggest, however,
that they are by a goldsmith and that the design
was by a Florentine painter. The quality of the
niello engraving is of unusual distinction and
may be compared to that of the two sumptuous
Florentine niello book covers presented by Car-
dinal Jean de la Balue to Paul II, about 1467-69
(Decorative Arts of the Italian Renaissance, 1959,
p. 153, ills.). The effigy of Paul II may appear to
be superficially related to the pope's effigy on
the numerous medals cast for him by Cristoforo
di Geremia, but, in fact, the suavity of outline,
the degree of idealization, and the plasticity
achieved in this portrait make it much closer in
style to the works of Filippo Lippi (14067-1469).

0. R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: X. Barbier de Montault, La Bibliotheque
Vaticane etses annexes, Rome, 1867, p. 84, no. 405; Legature
Papali da Eugenio IV a Paolo V (exhib. cat.), Vatican City,
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1977, no. 12, p. 8, pis. XII,
XIII; Palazzo Venezia: Paolo II e le fabbriche di San Marco
(exhib. cat.), Rome, Museo del Palazzo Venezia, 1980,
no. 9, pp. 29-30.

Comparative works cited: Decorative Arts of the Italian Ren-
aissance 1400-1600 (exhib. cat.). The Detroit Institute of
Arts, November 18, 1958-January 4, 1959; Quinto Cen-
tenario della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana 1475-1975, Vati-
can City, 1976.

BOOK COVER PLAQUE, WITH
THE ANNUNCIATION

Italy, Sulmona, c. 1470
Silver, partly gilt, and enamel
Height, 8 Vi " (21.5 cm); width, 6 >/s" (15. 5 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2037

This beautiful repousse relief, in which the an-
gel and the Virgin appear almost in the round,
is stamped twice with the mark of Sulmona (in
the Abruzzi) for the years about 1468-83
(V. Pace, 1972, p. 79). The plaque, a rare exam-
ple of Sulmonese goldsmiths' work, which
achieved great distinction between the last quar-
ter of the fourteenth century and the end of the
fifteenth, originally must have belonged to an
Evangelistary. The symbols of the Evangelists,
cast and riveted to the corners of the plaque, in
design are related to those on a set of well-
known Sulmonese book covers in the cathedral
of Lucera (Apulia), which carry the mark for
about 1430-40 (op. cit., figs. 30-31). The ha-
loes of the Virgin and the angel — decorated with
ogival compartments filled with white enam-
el and outlined in filigree — are also applied
as independent plaquettes, as are the haloes of
Mary and Saint John on the Lucera book covers.

The application of filigree and enamel, and,
especially, the large flowers and the rich foliage
in the background of the scene, immediately call
to mind the magnificent decoration on the bust
of Saint Pamphilus in the cathedral of Sulmona
(P Piccirilli, 1918, p. 118, fig. 4). The bust was
executed in 1458-59 by one of the best masters
of Sulmona, Giovanni di Marino di Cicco. The
style of Mary and the angel, who kneel in front
of an altar rail with Gothic arches, and of God
the Father, in the sky, suggests that their author
was familiar with contemporary Florentine
sculpture. The suavely lyrical contours and the
plasticity of the figures are especially close to
the works of Luca della Robbia (14007-1482)
and agree with a date in the late 1460s. The
book cover is a work of unusual distinction and
may well have been executed by Giovanni di
Marino di Cicco. No provenance has been
determined for this plaque; in the nineteenth
century, it probably was removed from a manu-
script in the Vatican Library and deposited for
safekeeping in the Museo Sacro.

O.R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: X. Barbier de Montault, La Bibliotheque
Vaticane et ses annexes, Rome, 1867, p. 105, no. 485;
E. Mattiocco, "L'oreficeria medievale abruzzese. La scuola
di Sulmona" (Atti del II Convegno nazionale della cultura
abruzzese), in Abruzzo, 6, 1968, p. 400.

Comparative works cited: P Piccirilli, "II busto di S. Panfilo
nella Cattedrale di Sulmona," in Rassegna d'Arte, 18, 1918,
pp. 116-19; V. Pace, "Per la storia deH'Orefkeria Abruz-
zese," in Bollettino d'Arte, 1972, pp. 78-89.

ALTAR CROSS

Rome, 1489

Silver, partly gilt, and niello
Height, 16 Vs" (43 cm)

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2057

Incised on the front and back of the shaft of
the cross is the following dedicatory inscription:

GENTILIS • /DE • SANCTIS/dOCTOR/dONAVIT/ • A •
APLO/DEl/AHO/l9lCCCC/LXXXVIIIl/ROM(DOCtOrGen-

tile de Sanctis Gave to God's Apostle Andrew in
1489 Rome). The main decorative elements of
the cross are the silver filigree scrolls applied on
both sides, serving as foils for the hollow, cast-
silver figures: Christ, flanked by two mourning
Marys and by the Magdalene, repeated twice, in
the top and bottom quatrefoils. A motif of Saint
Andrew's crosses, in niello, appears along the
edges of the cross. The clearly Tuscan outline of
the cross is emphasized by the gilded fillet around
its contours, while the interplay of white silver
with touches of gilding in the hair, beard, and
loincloth of Christ, and in the draperies of the
holy women, strikes a delicately pictorial note.
On the back of the cross, the four lobed medal-
lions have lost their decoration, which, judging
from the hatched ground of two of them, must
have been painted in translucent enamel.

As shown by Eugene Miintz (1898, pp. 104-
20) , numerous Tuscan as well as Northern Italian
goldsmiths, attracted by the opportunities for pa-
tronage at the papal court, settled in Rome dur-
ing the pontificate of Innocent VIII ( 1484-92 ) . In
the absence of a strongly defined Roman school,
the fact that these craftsmen were of various ori-
gins determined the somewhat eclectic, yet
conservative, character of their works. In the case
of this cross, the extensive use of filigree, a tech-
nique originally favored by Venetian goldsmiths,
and the Sienese type of the figures — especially
the ascetic harshness of Christ — suggest that it
was the collaborative product of such a recently
established goldsmith's workshop.

In the Museo Sacro the cross is mounted
on a tall, gilt-bronze foot composed of seven
sections. Of these, only three seem germane
to the cross: a "sleeve" decorated with a niello
plaque engraved with a flowered bush growing
from three hillocks, and two knobs chased with
acanthus leaves and mounted with six plain sil-
ver lozenges.

The provenance of the cross is not known,
but the allusion to Saint Andrew suggests that
it may come from Saint Peter's, where, until
1606, the head of the apostle, one of the most
important relics in the basilica, was kept in an
altar tabernacle erected by Pius II (1458-64) in
the left nave.

The cross was first described in the 1880s
in Giovanni Battista De Rossi's manuscript
inventory (no. 633). q ^

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. F. Volbach, La Croce—Lo sviluppo
nell'oreficeria sacra (Guida del Museo Sacro, 2), Vatican
City, 1938, p. 12, ill.

Comparative work cited: E. Miintz, Les arts a la com des
papes Innocent Mil, Alexandre V, Pie III (1484-1503), Paris,
1898.

110

FIVE NIELLO BOOK COVER PLATES,
WITH CHRIST BLESSING AND THE
FOUR EVANGELISTS

Italy, Lombardy, early 16th century

Silver, niello, and silver gilt

Christ: height, 4 I A 6 " (10.3 cm), width, 3W (9.2
cm); Saint Luke: height, 1 'Vie" (4.9 cm), width,
1 'Vie" (4.3 cm); Saint Matthew: height, 1 'Vie"
(4.9cm), width, lVs" (4.2 cm); Saint John: height,
1 'Vie" (4.9cm), width, l"/ie" (4.3cm); SaintMark:
height, 1 W (4.8 cm), width, 1 Vs" (4.2 cm)

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro, Inv.
nos. 2073, 2080, 2083, 2086, 2089

This set of niello book cover plates comes from
the sumptuous binding of a thirteenth-century
Evangelistary in the Vatican Library (Vat. lat.
8892). The plate with Christ blessing occupied
the center, and the hexagonal plates with the
Evangelists the four corners of the front cover.
On the reverse side, a central plate with the
Agnus Dei was surrounded by hexagonal plates
with the symbols of the Evangelists. Two silver-
gilt clasps with a scrollwork tendril motif sim-
ilar to that surrounding the plate with Christ
blessing complete the decoration of the binding.
The delicate elegance of this motif is quite typi-
cal of the ornamental vocabulary of early-
sixteenth-century Lombard goldsmiths. A similar
light scrollwork ornament is applied along the
outlines of a silver cross in the church of the
Incoronata in Lodi, executed by the brothers
Rocchi in 1512, as well as around the triangular
base of a silver cross, dated 151 1, in the Museo
Poldi Pezzoli in Milan (F. Malaguzzi Valeri, 1917,
3, pi. X, p. 307, fig. 358).

The Lombard origin of the niello plates is
further confirmed by the style of the designs
themselves, which recalls the austere and earnest
mood of the figures painted by Bramantino
(c. 1465-1530) and the Lombard masters close
to him. The plates are described in the manuscript
inventory by Giovanni Battista De Rossi (nos.

714-714 A-l).

' O.R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: X. Barbier de Montault, La Bibliotheque
Vaticane et ses annexes, Rome, 1867, pp. 84-85,
nos. 405-406.

Comparative work cited: F. Malaguzzi Valeri, La corte di
Ludovico il Moro, Milan, 1917.

VALERIO BELLI (1468-1546)

THREE INTAGLIO MEDALLIONS, WITH

SCENES FROM THE PASSION OF CHRIST

Vicenza, c. 1524

Rock crystal and silver gilt

Height, each: with frame, 4 W (11.5 cm),
without frame, 3 %" (10 cm); width, each:
with frame, 4 %" (12.5 cm), without
frame, 4 Vs" (11.1cm)

A. The Betrayal of Christ
Inscribed: valerivs vicentinvs • f
Inv. no. 2413

B. Christ Carrying the Cross
Inscribed: valerivs vicentinvs • f
Inv. no. 2412

C. The Entombment

Inscribed: valerivs • debellis • vicen • f •
Inv. no. 2415
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro

These three oval medallions belong with a rock
crystal crucifix, signed valeriv/s • vin • f, also in
the Museo Sacro. Both crucifix and medallions
have been identified with the "croce di cristallo
divina," which, according to Vasari, was made
by Valerio Belli for Clement VII (1523-34). The
cross is probably the one mentioned in the papal
inventory as "a rock crystal cross with a crucifix
and other figures carved in it with a silver-gilt
base, which was bought from Valerio da Vicen-
za in the month of . . . 1524 for ducats . . . "( "1
erode di cristallo intagliatovi un crocifisso et altre
figure con pied'argento dorato, quale si comperb da
Valerio da Vicenza del mese di. . . 1524 perd. . .")
(E. Miintz, 1888, p. 74).

The three crystal plaques must have been in-
serted in the silver-gilt base, as occurs in an ear-
lier rock crystal crucifix, of similar form, made
by Belli about 1510-15 (now in the Victoria and
Albert Museum). Comparison between the carv-
ings on these two works shows how soon Belli,
after his arrival in Rome in 1520, abandoned
his dry Northern Italian Mantegnesque style in
favor of the High Renaissance idiom of Raphael
and Michelangelo.

A brilliant master of crystal and hard-stone
carving, a goldsmith, and a medalist, Belli was

anxious, however, to adapt designs by other
artists for his compositions. The medallion with
The Betrayal of Christ is based upon a drawing
by Polidoro da Caravaggio (1496/1500-1543)
now at Windsor Castle, but it is interesting to
note how, in this translation into crystal, Poli-
doro's dramatic chiaroscuro and nervously
violent style have been purified by Belli and
transformed, through the skilled definition of
light planes, into a deeply harmonious, classi-
cizing frieze — the poetic creation of a master
who has been called, aptly, "an instinctive
Hellenist" (J. Pope-Hennessy, 1980).

No designs for the other two medallions are
known, but their many Raphaelesque quotations
make it quite conceivable that they also are
based on sketches by Polidoro or by another of
Raphael's students. Their very high quality puts
them among the finest of Belli's works, possi-
bly even superior to the rock crystal plaques of
the famous casket of Pope Clement VII, com-
pleted in 1532 (now in the Museo degli Argenti
in the Palazzo Pitti in Florence). Bronze pla-
quettes, cast after the Vatican crystals, exist in
various collections (J. Pope-Hennessy, 1965,
pp. 9-10, nos. 7-9).

The crucifix and the medallions were a gift of
Pius IX (1846-78), who bought them in 1857
from the poorhouse in Bologna, to which they
had been bequeathed a few years earlier by a
woman who had received them from a French
commissar. It is likely that the crystals lost their
original silver-gilt mount at the beginning of the
nineteenth century.

0. R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. Miintz, "L'Oreficeria a Roma durante
il regno di Clemente VII," in Archivio Storico dell'Arte,
1, 1888, pp. 14-23, 35-42, 68-74; A. G. Cotton and R. M.
Walker, "Minor Arts of the Renaissance in the Museo
Cristiano," in The Art Bulletin, 17, 1935, pp. 132-40 (with
earlier bibliography); F. Antal, in A. E. Popham and
J. Wilde, The Italian Drawings of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth
Centuries in the Collection of His Majesty the King at Wind-
sor Castle, 1949, p. 295, no. 692; E. Steingraber, "Das
Kreuzreliquiar des Marc'Antonio Morosini in der Schatz-
kammer von San Marco," in Arte Veneta, 1 5, 1 96 1 , p. 56;
J. Pope-Hennessy, "The Italian Plaquette," in Proceedings
of the British Academy, 1 , 1 964, reprinted in The Study and
Criticism of Italian Sculpture, New York, 1980, pp. 215-17;
idem, Renaissance Bronzes from the Samuel H. Kress Collec-
tion, London, 1965, pp. 9-10, nos. 7-9; E Barbieri,
"Valerio Belli," in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 1, 1965,
p. 682.

MEDALLION, WITH THE IMPERIAL
APOTHEOSIS OF CHARLES V

Medallion: The Netherlands, Antwerp,

c. 1560-70; bronze-gilt frame: Florence,

early 18th century
Silver, cast and chased, the frames of gilt copper

and gilt bronze, with lapis lazuli, simulated

rubies, and glass
Height, overall, 10 Vie" (25.5 cm); width, overall,

8V4" (22.2 cm); diameter of medallion, 6 u /i6

(17 cm)

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2105

The relief shows Charles V, seated on a high
throne, with the full complement of his imperi-
al attributes: clad in classicizing armor and wear-
ing the imperial crown over his helmet, he holds
the insignia of the Holy Roman Empire — the
sword and the globe surmounted by a cross —
and is flanked by the twin pillars of Hercules.
At his feet is the imperial eagle, in whose beak
is a ring to which are attached the cords that tie
together six princes defeated by Charles. On the
left are Francis I, King of France, accompanied
by an unidentified warrior (possibly one who
was captured with the king at the Battle of Pavia
in 1525), and the Turkish Sultan Suleiman II, in
the act of retreating. On the right are the Ger-
man adversaries of Charles V: John Frederick,
Elector of Saxony; Philip, Landgrave of Hesse;
and William, Duke of Cleve.

The scene reproduces quite faithfully the open-
ing plate of a well-known series of twelve prints,
The Victories of Charles V (Divi Caroli V Imp.
Opt. Max. Victoriae), engraved in 1555 by Dirck
Volckertsz. Coornhert, after designs by Maarten
van Heemskerck, and published in 1556 by
Hieronymus Cock, in Antwerp (F. W. M. Holl-
stein, 8, n.d., p. 241, nos. 167-178). The only
important difference between the print and our
medallion occurs on the left side, where the en-
graving shows Pope Clement VII instead of the
unidentified warrior. In the medallion, the scene
seems to take place on a platform, supported by
an entablature, in front of a curtain drawn across
three open arches. The lower segment of the

roundel is decorated with strapwork ornament,
diamond points, and a caryatid mask, all of
which typify the ornamental vocabulary of such
Netherlandish designers as Comelis Floris II and
his followers, Jacob Floris de Vriendt I and Jan
Vredeman de Vries. Equally typical of their work
is the molding of the medallion, with its egg-
and-dart motif, cartouches, and semicircular
loops. Similar medallion designs are engraved
in J. Floris's Compertimentorum Quod vocant mul-
tiplex Genus . . . , printed in Antwerp in 1566 by
Hieronymus Cock; they occur frequently on
Dutch monuments of the third quarter of the
sixteenth century.

Eugene Plon was the first to suggest Leone
Leoni as the possible author of the Vatican
medallion, mainly on the basis of Leoni's repu-
tation as the favorite sculptor of Charles V and
on a general affinity between the imagery of the

medallion and Leoni's many sculptures and med-
als of the emperor. Plon's attribution was ac-
cepted as the most plausible by A. G. Cotton
and R. M. Walker, although they acknowledged
some difficulty in finding stylistic correspon-
dences among Leoni's works.

New evidence for the study of this relief came
with the discovery of its close similarity to a plate
in The Victories of Charles V, published in 1960
by S. Williams and Jean Jacquot. These authors
suggested that Heemskerck must have known
the relief and based his design upon it, introduc-
ing the figure of Clement VII as one more de-
feated adversary of the emperor. A comparison,
however, of the Heemskerck print and the silver
medallion shows that the latter is based upon
the engraving, not the other way around.
Moreover, the presence of decorative details that
do not appear in ornamental prints before

1555-60 makes an earlier date extremely un-
likely for the silver relief.

The plates of The Victories of Charles V were
sufficiently well known to have been used as
models for a series of eight wooden reliefs now
in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna,
probably carved in southern Germany or in the
Tyrol, about 1560-70 (Sonderausstellung Karl V,
1958, p. 31, nos. 66-73). The Viennese reliefs
seem to have been made to decorate a small
cabinet, of the same type as the so-called
Wrangel-Schrank, dated 1566 (in the Westfal-
isches Landesmuseum fur Kunst und Kulturge-
schichte in Munster), and other related southern
German cabinets, which often show strong Neth-
erlandish influences. The silver medallion in the
Vatican also may have been intended, originally,
for a portable cabinet or writing box. Its ex-
tremely fine chasing, with minute heraldic and

113

costume details, is faithfully copied from the
Heemskerck print and seems most likely the
work of a Netherlandish goldsmith. It was prob-
ably made in Antwerp — famous, about 1560,
for its goldsmiths, silversmiths, and jewelers,
working in close association with local design-
ers and engravers. The narrative aspect of the Vat-
ican medallion and its glorification of Charles V
recall, in particular, an imposing silver-gilt basin
(now in the Louvre) embossed and chased with
scenes from the battles of Charles V's campaigns,
made in Antwerp in 1558-59 (J. E Hayward,
1976, p. 396, pi. 597).
The medallion is mounted in a double frame;

the first, made of gilt copper and set with lapis
lazuli and simulated rubies, may be germane to
the piece, but the outside bronze-gilt frame has
an elaborate Late Baroque cartouche in the style
of Florentine designs of the early eighteenth
century, such as the bronze cartouches made in
1708-11 by Massimiliano Soldani for the reliefs
of the Seasons (now in the Bayerisches National-
museum in Munich) (K. Lankheit, 1962, pis.
95, 96).

The medallion was a gift of Pius IX (1846-78).

0. R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: X. Barbier de Montault, La Bibliotheque
Vaticane etses annexes, Rome, 1867, p. 106, no. 490; E. Plon,

Benvenuto Cellini, Paris, 1883, p. 275, pi. XXXIV; E. Molin-
ier, Les Plaqueltes, Paris, 1886, p. 21, no. 354; E. Plon,
Leone Leoni et Pompeo Leoni, Paris, 1887, p. 252; A. G. Cot-
ton and R. M. Walker, "Minor Arts of the Renaissance in
the Museo Cristiano," in The Art Bulletin, 17, 1935,
pp. 151-62; S. Williams and J. Jacquot, "Ommegangs
Anversois," in Les Fetes de la Renaissance, 2, Paris, 1960,
p. 373.

Comparative works cited: Sonderausstellung Karl V, Vienna,
Kunsthistorisches Museum, 1958; K. Lankheit, Florentin-
ische Barockplastik: Die Kunst am Hofe der letzen Medici
1670-1743, Munich, 1962; J.E Hayward, Virtuoso Gold-
smiths and the Triumph of Mannerism 1540-1620, London,
1976; E W. H. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish Etchings, en-
gravings and woodcuts 1450-1700, Amsterdam, n.d.

Probably by NICOLAS MOSTAERT (NICOLO
PIPPI) OF ARRAS (active 1578-1601/4),
after a wax model by Daniele da Volterra
(1509-1566), based on drawings attributed
to Michelangelo (1475-1564)

THE DESCENT FROM THE CROSS

Flemish, executed in Rome, c. 1579

Ivory, cut out and mounted on a slate plaque, set
in an ebony frame inlaid with silver ajoure
and engraved ornamental plaquettes and with
eight cutout cherubs holding instruments of
the Passion

Relief: height, 11 Vie " (29 cm); width, 8 > 5 A 6 " (22. 7
cm); overall (including frame): height, 17' 5 /i6"
(45. 5 cm); width, 14 l5 Ae " (38 cm)

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museo Sacro,
Inv. no. 2445

The relief is based on a well-known composi-
tion, the idea for which was attributed, as early
as 1610, to Michelangelo (O. Doering, 1894, pp.
48, 55). This, indeed, is borne out by two
drawings — one in the Teylers Museum in Haar-
lem (A 25 r.), the other in the British Museum
(1860-6-16-4) — often attributed to Michelan-
gelo. The Haarlem red-chalk study, depicting the
nucleus of the composition, with the body of
Christ being lowered from the cross, was as-
signed by B. Berenson and F. Knapp to Sebas-
tiano del Piombo; by Erwin Panofsky, Wolfgang
Stechow, and Marita Horster to Daniele da
Volterra; but accepted as a Michelangelo by H.
Marcuard, H. Thode, L. Goldscheider, J. Wilde,
Frederick Hartt, and Charles De Tolnay (refs., in
Corpus .... 1975, no. 89 r., p. 82). The black-
chalk sketch in the British Museum, a study for
the mourning Virgin sustained by a Mary and by
Saint John, was ascribed to Daniele da Volterra
by E. Panofsky and F. Baumgart, but was accept-
ed as a Michelangelo by B. Berenson, H. Thode,
A. E. Brinckmann, and J. Wilde (refs., in J.
Wilde, 1953, no. 69, p. 108), as well as by Hartt
(1971, no. 451, p. 321).

Among the many reliefs in various mediums
and sizes that reflect the extraordinary popularity
of this composition (M. Horster, 1965, p. 199),
only three examples — all in Florence and of
nearly identical dimensions — are relevant for a
complete understanding of the Museo Sacro
ivory. They are: a well-known stucco relief in
the Casa Buonarroti (W. Stechow, 1928, p. 92;

L. Goldscheider, 1973, pi. XXXI), a wax relief in
the Museo Nazionale (R. W. Lightbown, 1970,
p. 37, ill.), and an ivory in the Museo degli
Argenti of the Palazzo Pitti (C. R. Morey, 1936,
fig. 47).

Morey was the first to observe the close
conformity of the Pitti ivory to the Vatican ivory,
and to suggest that both were carved by the same
master: an Italian artist, working about the mid-
dle of the sixteenth century. Recent scholarship,
however, has clarified in further detail the mutu-
al relationship of the three reliefs and the
authorship and dating of the Pitti ivory.

The stucco relief in the Casa Buonarroti ap-
pears to be a rough cast taken from the Museo
Nazionale wax. The wax was attributed by
Horster to Daniele da Volterra, and dated in the
1560s on the basis of a newly discovered copy
drawn by Vasari. .

As to the Pitti ivory (C. Piacenti Ashengreen,
1968, pp. 14, 152), it must be identified now
with one of several replicas made after an ivory
relief, "sul disegno di Daniele da Volterra," by
Nicolo Pippi, and delivered to the Medici
Guardaroba on May 13, 1579 (Archivio di Stato,
Florence, Guardaroba, 79, p. 39). The original
ivory, still unlocated, was sent as a gift to the
Viceroy of Catalonia, Don Ermando de Toledo,
but the Vatican relief most likely is another of
the copies mentioned in the Florentine docu-
ment. Such replicas probably were carved with
the help of stucco casts, like the one in the Casa
Buonarroti for which Daniele da Volterra's
authorship is now confirmed.

If we accept the currently prevailing attribu-
tion to Michelangelo of the Teylers Museum
drawing, we must conclude that Daniele reused
and adapted this early composition shortly after
the death, in 1564, of Michelangelo (a direct
reference to whom, in the Vatican ivory, is the
old man standing behind Mary). The ivory rep-
licas of 1579 were commissioned as devotional
objects, inspired by the desire to multiply and
codify the master's compositions as religious
Counter-Reformation symbols, much as hap-
pened with his Pieta composition for Vittoria
Colonna (C. De Tolnay, 1953).

Both the Pitti and Vatican reliefs, in all
likelihood, were executed in Rome. In 1578,
Pippi was not only settled in the city, but also
was considered one of the leading Flemish

sculptors, of an excellence comparable to
Giovanni Bologna in Florence (R. Beer, 1891,
CXCVIII, no. 8471). Known especially for his
works in marble, such as the Last Judgment re-
lief (of 1579) for the tomb of the Duke of Cleve
at Santa Maria deH'Anima in Rome (A. Venturi,
1937, fig. 517), Pippi must have been also an
accomplished ivory carver.

In the Vatican relief, the Michelangelesque
composition has been adapted with a remark-
able feeling for its melodious and emotional
impact. A precise, sensitive use of the chisel,
reflecting the control of a hand used to making
drawings after the master's Roman works, here
results in a noble stylization and a pronounced
graphic quality.

The ebony frame does not appear to be con-
temporary with the relief. The style of the cher-
ubs carrying the instruments of the Passion, and
of the ornamental plaquettes, suggests that the
frame was made in southern Germany, about
1700.

The ivory was the gift of Gregory XVI
(1831-46), who, according to a letter recently
discovered by Giovanni Morello in the Vatican
Library archives, purchased it in 1835 from a
Tommaso Pansieri. q. R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: X. Barbier de Montault, La Bibliotheque
Vaticane et ses annexes, Rome, 1867, pp. 44, 71, no. 310;
C. R. Morey, Gli oggetti di avorio et di osso del Museo Sacro
Vatkano. Catalogo del Museo Sacro, I, Vatican City, 1936,
pp. 42-50, 89, pi. XXXII.

Comparative works cited: R. Beer, "Acten, Regenten und
Inventaren aus dem Archivio General zu Simanca," in
Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhbchsten
Kaiserhauses, 12, 2, 1891, no. 8471; O. Doering, Philipp
Hainhofers Beziehungen zum Herzog Philipp II in Pommern-
Stettin, Vienna, 1894; W. Stechow, "Daniele da Volterra
als Bildhauer," in Jahrbuch der Preussischen Kunstsammlun-
gen, 49, 1928, pp. 82-92; A. Venturi, Storia dell' Arte Italiana,
X, 3, Milan, 1937, pp. 632-42; C. De Tolnay, "Michel-
angelo's Pieta Composition for Vittoria Colonna," in Record
of the Art Museum, Princeton University, 13, 1953, pp.
44-62; J. Wilde, Italian Drawings in the British Museum:
Michelangelo and His Studio, London, 1953; M. Horster,
"Eine unbekannte Handzeichnung aus dem Michelangelo-
Kreis und die Darstellung der Kreuzabnahme im Cinque-
cento," in Wallraf-Richartz Jahrbuch, 28, 1965, p. 199; C.
Piacenti Ashengreen, // Museo degli Argenti a Firenze, Milan,
1968; R. W. Lightbown, "Le cere artistiche del Cinque-
cento," in Arte Illustrata, 3, 1970, nos. 34-36; F. Hartt,
Michelangelo Drawings, New York, 1971; L. Goldscheider,
Michelangelo, London, 1973; C. De Tolnay, Corpus dei disegni
di Michelangelo, I, Novara, 1975.

114

115

MUSEO
PIO-CLEMENTINO

Clement XIV (1769-74) and Pius VI (1775-99)
were the founders of this museum. The pur-
chase of the Fusconi and Mattei collections in
1770, and their transfer to the Palazzetto del
Belvedere, the fifteenth-century villa of Inno-
cent VIII on the Vatican hill, brought about a
revival of interest in antique sculptures along with those al-
ready in the sculpture court of the Belvedere. Yet, underlying
the creation of the new museum were the moving forces of
the eighteenth century. When Clement XTV dissolved the Jesuit
Order on July 21, 1773, with the (papal) brief "Dominus ac
Redemptor," he thereby considered the Counter Reformation
ended. During the second half of the sixteenth century, the
statue court of the Palazzetto del Belvedere had fallen victim
to the fanatical proponents of the Counter Reformation. In
the second half of the eighteenth century, this same sculpture
court became the nucleus of the new Museo Pio- Clementine
Clement XIV had Anton Raphael Mengs portray his vi-
sion of the new museum in a ceiling fresco in the Gabinetto
dei Papiri of the Vatican Library, a commission awarded in
1771 and completed by July 1772 (see fig. 30). In a framed
central painting set between the figures of Moses and Peter,
the founding of the Museo Pio-Clementino is depicted as an
allegory. The personification of History is seated in the center
of the scene, wearing a white robe with a pink mantle over
her left arm. She lifts her head, crowned with a laurel wreath,
to look at a Janus-like figure in a green robe standing before
her, to whom she appears to be listening. This figure with a
double face— indicating knowledge of both past and future-
has raised his hand as he speaks. His youthful face, turned
toward her, is in the light; his bearded, old face, in shadow,
looks away. History is writing in a large open book propped
against the wings of an old man in a brown robe, a scythe
resting on his arm, who sits in front of her— an allegorical
representation of Time in the form of Saturn, the Kronos of
the ancient Greeks. A winged boy, a spirit reminiscent of

Amor wearing an oak wreath in his hair, rushes toward
History; he looks back with an air of mischief, for he is clutch-
ing a number of scrolls in his arms, testaments from the past
that he has rescued from the deterioration wrought by Time
in order to entrust to History. Hovering above the scene on
white wings, wearing a yellow- gold gown and a billowing
lavender mantle, is the figure of Fame. Sh e sounds a trumpet
to the glory of the Clementine museum, toward which her
left hand is pointing and which is identified by an inscription
above its entrance.

The assembly of allegorical personages is depicted as
though gathered in 1772 in the old sculpture court of the
Belvedere, the virtual forecourt of the new Museo Pio-
Clementino. Above the open door is the lower portion of the
coat of arms of Clement XIV, with the ends of a garland of
oak leaves hanging down on either side. Until a short time
before ( 1 771 ) , the coat of arms of Innocent VIII, held aloft by
two angels (see cat. no. 14), had occupied that place. The
expressive gesture of the Janus-like figure invites History to
visit the new museum, and History records the occasion of
the opening. The youthful Janus face proclaims the dawn of
a new age, and the presence of Saturn, Amor, and Fame
suggests that it is to be a golden one.

At the foot of the painting, the seated figure of Peter
functions almost as a pillar, supporting History, lending per-
manence to this moment and serving as a witness to her act.
Above his head two angels hold a tablet inscribed with the
words of Christ, svper/hancpetram/a[e]dificabo/ecclesiam/
meam (Matthew 16:18), which serves as a base for the
picture. The institution of the Church gives the heathen past
a home in the new Museo Pio-Clementino. As the caretaker
and trustee of antiquity, the museum ensures that the past
will not be forgotten. An ancient inscribed stone depicted at
the bottom of the picture provides eloquent testimony to this
intention. It is lying within the gaze of the aging figure of
Time, its edges chipped and grass beginning to grow up around

116

it. The acronym in its last line is apt: h[oc] m[onumentum]
h[eredem] n[on] s[equitur] (the right to the burial place shall
not pass to the heirs to the fortune), here suggesting that the
Church, though heir to the treasures of antiquity, will not
share its burial place, its demise. The stone was a gift to the
pope from Jacopo Bellotti in 1771, and is, today, exhibited in
the Galleria Lapidaria.

The sixteenth-century sculpture court of the Belvedere
was a garden area in the open air, but the new museum was
given the interior rooms of the Palazzetto del Belvedere. The
architect Alessandro Dori began reconstruction of the papal
chambers in January 1771. The open arches of the loggia
were closed in, and the long space set up as a sculpture gallery.
The walls separating the apartment wing to the east were
removed, and erected in their place, corresponding to the
sequence of rooms, were three large arches in the form of the
Serliana (the Palladian motif of a wide central arch resting
on columns and flanked by narrow openings) . In this manner,
the apartments were brought together to form the Sala dei
Busti, in which primarily Roman portraits, such as the dual
portrait of the Gratidii (see cat. no. 129), are displayed. In the
following years, 1772-73, the statue court of the Belvedere
gained a portico. The old disposition of the ancient statues —
with the Apollo, the Laocoon, and the Venus on the south side —
was maintained, as an engraving by Vincenzo Feoli (fig. 3 1 )
makes clear, but, through the integration of sculpture and
architecture, the aesthetic effect was intensified. The forma-
tion of the Cortile Ottagono from the old statue court of the
Palazzetto del Belvedere was a first step toward the establish-
ment of a museum of art. Under the following pontificate,
that of Pius VI (1775-99), the Museum Pium, in fact, came
into being, and was incorporated into the existing Museum
Clementinum by the architect Simonetti, to create the Museo
Pio-Clementino.

Pius VI spared neither effort nor cost in the expansion of
the museum founded by his predecessor at his own urging.
Though, prior to his pontificate, existing rooms had been
adequate to display the ancient statues, Pius VI set about
erecting new buildings especially for these monuments of
antiquity. By 1784, the tenth year of his pontificate, an in-
scription on the site where the new museum joins the Li-
brary already proclaimed the realization of his plan: "Pius VI
constructed the Museum Pium for the study of the fine arts
and as an ornament to the Vatican Palace as a wholly new
building, uniting it with the Clementine Museum occupying
portions of structures from the time of Innocent VIII, and
moreover enriching it most generously with an extraordi-
nary wealth of ancient monuments in 1784, the tenth year
of his pontificate. "

Thus, the new museum was intended to foster study of,
devotion to, and research on the fine arts. The numerous
illustrious visitors at that time testify to the tremendous sup-
port accorded this idea. The pope insisted on guiding the
Swedish King Gustavus III through his museum himself (the
visit is depicted in a fresco in the library; see fig. 32). Artists,
poets, and writers accepted the pope's challenge, and the
regard for the Apollo Belvedere and for the Laocoon group was
heightened. This is especially apparent in the discussion be-

FIG. 30. ANTON RAPHAEL MENGS. ALLEGORY
OF THE MUSEO CLEMENTINO. FRESCO. 1772. CEILING,
GABINETTO DEI PAPIRI, VATICAN LIBRARY

fore the English House of Commons concerning the pur-
chase of the Parthenon sculptures on February 15, 1816:

Chairman of the committee: "To which of the works you
have seen in Italy do you think the Theseus [of the Elgin
marbles] bears the greatest resemblance?"

The sculptor Joseph Nollekens (1737-1823): "I compare
that to the Apollo Belvedere and Laocoon. "

Chairman: "Do you think the Theseus as fine a sculpture
as the Apollo?"

Nollekens: "I do."

Chairman: "Do you think it has more or less ideal beauty

than the Apollo?"
Nollekens: "I cannot say it has more than the Apollo. "

There followed this exchange with John Flaxman (1755-
1826):

117

FIG. 31. VINCENZO FEOLI. VIEW OF THE SOUTH SIDE OF THE CORTILE OTTAGONO. (THE INSTALLATION
OF THE APOLLO BELVEDERE, THE LAOCOON, AND THE VENUS FELIX IS THE
SAME AS IN THE 16th CENTURY, BUT THE PORTICO WAS ADDED IN 1772-73.) ENGRAVING, c. 1790

Chairman: "In what estimation do you hold the Theseus,
as compared with the Apollo Belvedere and the
Laocoon?"

Flaxman: "If you would permit me to compare it with a

fragment I will mention, I should estimate it before the

Torso Belvedere."
Chairman: "As compared with the Apollo Belvedere, in

what rank do you hold the Theseus?"
Flaxman: "I should prefer the Apollo Belvedere certainly,

though I believe it is only a copy. "
Chairman: "Supposing the state of the Theseus to be perfect,

would you value it more as a work of art than the Apollo?"
Flaxman: "No; I should value the Apollo for the ideal

beauty, before any male statue I know. "

The painter Sir Thomas Lawrence (1769-1830) gave a
different evaluation when asked to rate the Parthenon
sculptures:

Chairman: "Do you conceive any of the Elgin Marbles to
be of a higher class than the Apollo Belvedere? "

Lawrence: "I do; because I consider that there is in them
an union of fine composition, and very grand form, with
a more true and natural expression of the effect of ac-
tion upon the human frame than there is in the Apollo,
or in any of the other most celebrated statues."

And Benjamin West (1738-1820) contributed to the protocol:

"The Apollo of the Belvedere, the Torso, and the Laocoon,
are systematic art; the Theseus and the Ilissus stand su-
preme in art. "

The pope could not have hoped for a more resounding re-
sponse to the new arrangement of the old statues in the Bel-
vedere courtyard.

The reopening of the Cortile does full justice to the sec-
ond motive in the inscription, that of ornamenting the Vati-
can Palace. The third statement in the dedicatory inscription
from 1784 relates that Pius VI created his museum as some-
thing wholly new, a "fundamentis extruxit. " From the Scala
Simonetti, this phrase is visible over the entrance to the
Biblioteca Apostolica, as well as from the Cortile Ottagono,
above the entrance to the Sala degli Animali, and, in a slight-
ly altered form, from the center of the floor of the Galleria
delle Statue. In this last place one reads (in Latin): "Pius VI
built the entire museum from this stone to the library, and
decorated it." In fact, this pope had expanded the Galleria
delle Statue to the west, connecting it to the Sala degli Animali.
Although, in the process, the chapel containing late-fifteenth-
century frescoes by Mantegna was sacrificed, the unity of the
museum, as well as the arrangement and accessibility of the
galleries, was immeasurably enhanced. The entrance to the
Galleria delle Statue from the Cortile Ottagono was closed,
to give prominence to the center of the museum. The court-
yard now could be entered only from the Vestibolo Rotondo
on the east and from the Sala degli Animali on the west,
giving it an axial orientation. Simonetti's new building was
aligned along that same axis, adding to it the Sala delle Muse
and the Sala Rotonda — the latter a counterpart to, though
far more grandiose than, the Vestibolo Rotondo.

The wall painting in the Sala Alessandrina of the library
shows how Pius VI wished to present his museum (see fig.
33). A similar view appears in the painting by Bernardino
Nocchi, with its allegorical figures reminiscent of the ceiling
fresco by Mengs. From the foot of the Scala Simonetti one
looks up, through the Sala a Croce Greca as a kind of vestibule,
at the monumental entry portal to the Sala Rotonda, flanked
by telamones and inscribed on its architrave: "Museum
Pium. " This is the view at the end of the over-300-meter-

118

long corridor, beside the courtyard of Bramante to the west; the
arrangement is repeated on a smaller scale on the east side,
where an inscription on the architrave over the entrance to
the Vestibolo Rotondo reads : "Museum Clementinum. ' ' The
sequence of grand staircase, vestibule, and imposing domed
gallery would become a model for subsequent art museums.

The exhibition galleries are named either for their archi-
tectural form — the Sala a Croce Greca is a Greek cross with
four arms of equal length; the Sala Rotonda is circular — or
after the subjects of the works displayed in them, such as the
Sala delle Muse or the Sala degli Animali. In the Sala Rotonda,
in front of each pilaster that divides up the space, is a colos-
sal bust on a truncated porphyry column. There are images
of gods and of mortals, of Jupiter, Juno, and Ceres, and of
Claudius, Hadrian, and Antinous. Copies of works from the
fifth century b.c by Pheidias and his followers are side by side
with portraits from the time of the Roman Empire (the first
century b.c. to the sixth century a.d. ) . According to Giovanni
Battista Visconti, the first eloquent chronicler of the Museo
Pio-Clementino, ancient art maintained the same high
standard, whether from the age ofPeriklesin the fifth century
b.c or from the time of Hadrian well into the second century
a.d. Thus, ancient monuments of the most diverse prove-
nance are here placed together in a systematic arrangement
and take on a visual and logical unity within their architec-
tural context.

Found in a Tiburtine villa were numerous portraits of
famous Greeks — those of the Seven Sages, as well as other
philosophers, poets, and orators. One of these, the portrait
Herm of Perikles (see cat. no. 124) — "son of Xanthippos, the
Athenian, " as the inscription on its shaft proclaims — achieved
particular significance shortly after its discovery. In the sum-
mer of 1779, the poet Vincenzo Monti (1754-1828) recited
his "Prosopopea di Pericle" in the "Arcadia," to such ac-

claim that this poem is still displayed in a frame next to the
portrait. Referring to Pius VI he wrote: "Even in the realm of
the Greek Elysium, though remote from grace, there is none-
theless one illustrious spirit worthy of doing you homage. "

Pius VI died in Valence, on the Rhone, as a prisoner of
Napoleon, at the age of eighty-two, on August 29, 1799.
Following the agreement made at Tolentino on February 19,
1797, the chief works of his museum were to be delivered to
the French, and this was accomplished after the occupation
of Rome under General Berthier on February 10, 1798. On
July 27 and 28, 1798, the plundered art was paraded through
Paris in a ceremony organized in the manner of a Roman
triumphal procession. When the Musee Napoleon opened
in the Louvre on April 10, 1800, Bonaparte insisted on per-
sonally affixing an inscribed bronze tablet to the base of the
statue of Apollo.

It seemed, then, that the generation that created the
Museo Pio-Clementino would also experience its dissolution.
Yet, the idea that gave birth to this museum would prove to
be much stronger, and more vital, contagious, and long-lived:
the Pio-Clementino can still be admired in almost its original
form even today — though now it is but a part of a museum,
within a museum. GeQrg DaJtrop

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. B. and E. Qu. Visconti, // Museo Pio-Clementino, I- VII, Rome,
1782-1807; P Massi, Indicazione antiquaria del Pontificio Museo Pio-Clementino in Vaticano,
Rome, 1792; A. Michaelis, Ein Jahrhundert kunstarchdologischer Entdeckungen, 2nd ed.,
Leipzig, 1908; B. Nogara, Origine e sviluppo dei Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, Rome, 1948;
C Pietrangeli, "II Museo Clementino Vaticano," in Rendiconti delta Pontificia Accademia
Romana di Archeologia, 27, 1951/52, pp. 87-109; idem, Scavi e scoperte di antichitd sotto il
pontificato di Pio VI, 2nd ed., Rome, 1958; idem, "I musei Vaticani al tempo di Pio VI,"
mBollettino dei Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, 1,2, 1959-74, pp. 7-45; S. Howard,
"An Antiquarian Handlist of the Pio-Clementino," in Eighteenth Century Studies, 1,
1973, pp. 40-61; S. Rottgen, "Das Papyruskabinett von Mengs in der Biblioteca Vaticana,
ein Beitrag zur Idee und Geschichte des Museo Pio-Clementino," in Munchner Jahrbuch
der bildenden Kunst, 31, 1980, pp. 189-245; H. von Steuben, "Das Museo Pio-
Clementino," in Antikensammlungen im 18. Jahrhundert, ed. H. Beck et al. (Frankfurter
Forschungen zur Kunst, 9), Berlin, 1981, pp. 149-65.

FIG. 32

FIG. 33

DOMENICO DE ANGELIS. (LEFT) : VISIT OF THE SWEDISH KING, GUSTAVUS III,
TO THE MUSEO PIO-CLEMENTINO IN 1784, (RIGHT): PIUS VI VISITS
THE MUSEUM THAT BEARS HIS NAME. FRESCOES. 1818. SALA ALESSANDRINA, VATICAN LIBRARY

119

APOLLO MUSAGETES

Roman, 2nd century a. d. (Hadrianic period),

after a Greek original
Marble

Height, 79 ¥ 4 " (202.5 cm)

Museo Pio-Clementino, Sala delle Muse, Inv. no. 310

The statue as it appears today is complete. Exten-
sive modern restoration — above all, of the head
and kithara — probably gives us an accurate idea
of the Apollo's original form. The head, added sep-
arately, has been part of the work since antiquity.

Together with eight statues of Muses (includ-
ing cat. nos. 55, 56), the Apollo was discovered
in the so-called Villa of Cassius, near Tivoli, by
Domenico De Angelis in 1775. It was restored
by Gaspare Sibilla, then acquired by Pius VI,
and carried off by Napoleon to Paris, where it
remained from 1798 to 1816.

The god Apollo, caught in a vigorously for-
ward-striding pose, is characterized as a kitha-
rode by the musical instrument whose strings
he plucks and by his long, high-waisted robe.
He also wears a chiton with sleeves, and a full-
length cloak, draped across his back and fas-
tened with two large buttons at the shoulders.
His motion causes the robe to billow behind him.
The head is raised, graced by a laurel wreath
with a large jewel in the center; the hair is parted,
some tied back, the rest falling freely. The kithara
is secured by a band over his right shoulder. On
the inside of the kithara's forward arm is the
hanging Marsyas, in relief. Most of the kithara is
restored, but the lower portion is surely antique.

The conception of this Apollo was based upon
Greek models. The sense of movement in the
drapery and the play of the folds, especially, are
treated with a restraint that recalls the classi-
cism of Hadrian's time. Though majestically cool,
something of the originally dynamic image of
the kithara-playing god, nonetheless, has found
its way into the statue.

Although this Apollo is represented as the
leader of the choir of the Muses, the vitality of
the striding god is hardly compatible with the
calmly standing and seated Muses; the statue,
perhaps, was created as a single figure, and only
later displayed with the assembled Muses.

The ancients regarded Apollo as the preserv-
er of moral order and noble moderation. He was
the god of the arts, particularly of music, and
leader of the Muses, as Homer reported (Iliad, I,
603-4). Musical instruments and the bow are
his attributes (for the bow, see cat. no. 20) . Apollo
is the source not only of the unerring arrow, but
also of the apt song. Plato (Republic, 399 E) was
convinced of the ethical effects of Apollonian
music: "We are doing nothing new in granting
precedence to Apollo and the instruments of
Apollo [lyre and kithara] over Marsyas and his
instruments [wind instruments] ." q d

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Lippold, Die Skulpturen des Vatican-
ischen Museums, III, 1, Berlin, 1936, p. 60, no. 516, pis.
6-7; W Helbig, Ftihrer durch die offentlkhen Sammlungen
klassischer Altertumer in Rom: Die Pdpstlichen Sammlungen
im Vatikan undLateran, 1, 4th ed., Tubingen, 1963, no. 82;
K. M. Tiirr, "Eine Musengruppe hadrianischer Zeit," in
Monumenta Artis Romanae, X, Berlin, 1971, pp. 36-40,
67-68, pis. 28, 30.

120

SEATED MUSE, THALIA

Roman, 2nd century a. d. (Hadrianic period),

after a Greek original
Pentelic marble
Height, 62 '¥,6 " (159.5 cm)
Museo Pio-Clementino, Sala delle Muse, Inv. no. 295

This considerably damaged seated Muse has
been accurately restored, except for the posi-
tion of the right forearm and the pedum (or
shepherd's crook); the tympanum is, undoubt-
edly, correctly restored, given the curved depres-
sion in the folds of the garment on the left thigh.

This statue, too, was discovered by De Angelis
in 1775, in the so-called Villa of Cassius, with
the seven other Muses and the Apollo Musagetes
(see cat. nos. 54, 56) . Like thtm, it was restored
by Sibilla, acquired by the pope, and taken to
Paris by Napoleon.

The mask, pedum, tympanum, and ivy wreath
characterize this youthful woman seated on a
rock as Thalia, the Muse of comedy and light
verse. She wears several layered garments: a chi-
ton buttoned along the arms under a chiton
without sleeves fastened with a large button on
each shoulder and secured by a belt, and a cloak
draped loosely over her legs. The wreath sug-
gests her affinity to Dionysos.

This type of Muse, of which five additional
statues and two heads survive, is notable for its
easy, relaxed, cross-legged pose, slender propor-
tions, wealth of movement in the composition,
and plasticity. The gracefully inclined head is
particularly effective in the version in the Museo
Gregoriano Profano (Inv. no. 9969), which, of
the two, is of superior execution and better
preserved. The Pio-Clementino Muse is a reflec-
tion, in the classicistic style of the second centu-
ry a.d., of the original, which was created in the
Late Classic period of the fourth century b.c.

The Thalia belongs to a group of Muses
whose attributes suggest their particular province
and function. In the rendering, an attempt was
made to capture the essence of each Muse; it
was only later that this differentiation of the
individual Muses gave way to the schema of
the nine. Ensembles of Muses were considered
appropriate decoration for private Roman li-
braries, reflecting the creative and literary ambi-
tions of their owners, as Cicero attests (Ad jam.,
7, 23, 2). The frequent combination of poets
and Muses on sarcophagi and in mosaics of the
Late Roman Empire may derive from actual dis-
plays of grouped statues.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Lippold, Die Skulpturen des Vatican-
ischen Museums, III, 1, Berlin, 1936, p. 27, no. 503, pi. 4;
W. Helbig, Fuhrer durch die offentlichen Sammlungen
klassischer Altertumer in Rom: Die Papstlichen Sammlungen
im Vatikan und Lateran, I, 4th ed., Tubingen, 1963, no.
63; K. M. Turr, "Eine Musengruppe hadrianischer Zeit,"
in Monumenta Artis Romanae, X, Berlin, 1971, pp. 32-35,
67, pis. 25, 26.

SEATED MUSE, CALLIOPE

Roman, 2nd century a. d. (Hadrianic period), after

a Greek original
Pentelic marble
Height, 50 1 Vie" (129 cm)
Museo Pio-Clementino, Sala delle Muse, Inv. no. 312

This seated Muse is, doubtlessly, correctly re-
stored. The head, worked separately and in large
part a restoration, is not the original one; the
marble appears to match, but not the style
of execution.

De Angelis discovered this statue, together with
seven other Muses and the Apollo Musagetes ( see
cat. nos. 54, 55). Sibilla was also the restorer,
and, after its acquisition by the pope, Napoleon
carried it off to Paris along with the other statues.

The writing tablet in her left hand identifies
this figure as Calliope, the Muse of heroic poetry,
the epic, and the elegy. One corner of the dip-
tych on her lap is original; thus, the position of
the left hand corresponded roughly to the hand
as restored. She leaned on her right arm, and,
in her right hand, she probably held a stylus.
The Calliope wears a sleeved chiton, buttoned
along the arm; a sleeveless, tightly belted chiton
over that; and a cloak on which she sits and
which lies across her lap.

This type of Muse, of which eleven similar
examples exist (see Bibliography), derives from
the basic scheme for seated figures first formu-
lated in Late Classic times, during the fourth
century b.c. The arm rests on the slightly higher
leg with the foot drawn back, and the upper
body turns in the direction of the advanced foot.
The bending and turning of the body, here, par-
ticularly emphasize the meditative aspect of the
elegiac Muse. The pose is, nevertheless, natural —
as are the academic arrangement and deep mod-
eling of the drapery. Such individual statues as
the Calliope began to be represented as part of a
group during the Hadrianic period, its compo-
nents drawn from the rich store of Classic and
Hellenistic images available to the sculptor.

In the late period, the Muses became sche-
matic figures from a long-outmoded tradition.
At one time, however, they were vital forces. In
the epics of Homer, they inspired the poet with
speech and with song. At the beginning of the
Iliad, Homer asks the Muse of heroic poetry to
sing of the wrath of Achilles; at the beginning
of the Odyssey, he begs her to name for him the
hero who was cast about after destroying the
sacred city of Troy.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Lippold, Die Skulpturen des Vatican-
ischen Museums, III, I, Berlin, 1936, p. 56, no. 515, pis. 7,
8; W Helbig, Fuhrer durch die offentlkhen Sammlungen
klassischer Altertumer in Rom: Die Pdpstlichen Sammlungen
im Vatikan und Lateran, 1, 4th ed., Tubingen, 1963, no. 80;
K. M. Turr, "Eine Musengruppe hadrianischer Zeit," in
MonumentaArtisRomanae, X, Berlin, 1971, pp. 28-31, 66,
pi. 20.

EROS OF CENTOCELLE

Roman, 2nd century a. d. (Hadrianic period), after a

Greek original from the early fourth century b. c.
Marble

Height, 33 l h " (85 cm)

Museo Pio-Clementino, Galleria delle Statue, Inv.
no. 769

This statue of a boy is well preserved, although
lacking both forearms from the elbows down,
and both legs below the thigh. Other minor dam-
age was sustained by the nose (restored) and
hair. Two vertical grooves on the back, each with
a large square hole, are evidence of the place
where wings were once attached.

The Eros was found in Centocelle, along the
Via Labicana, by Gavin Hamilton, from whom
Clement XIV acquired the statue in April 1772.
It was removed by Napoleon to Paris, where it
remained from 1798 to 1816.

The long-haired boy stood upright, most of
his weight on the left leg, the right one relaxed,
though only slightly, as the position of the thigh
indicates. Other copies of the statue show that
the winged Eros stood calmly, deep in thought,
a bow in his left hand. Presumably, the right
hand, at his side, held an arrow. The propor-
tions are Classic, reflecting the influence of Poly-
kleitos, especially in the way that the body is
slightly closed on the side of the supporting leg.
The delicate curvature of the central axis of
the compact torso and the modeling endow the
sculpture with a sense of movement. This kind
of sculptural form, and the tightly curled hair,
suggest that this copy was based on a bronze
original, while the lifelessness of the smooth mar-
ble and the unskilled use of the drill for the hair
are characteristic of Roman copies from the sec-
ond century a.d.

According to the ancient writers, in cult images
Eros was depicted as a boy of considerable
beauty, with a quiet grace of gesture. Praxiteles,
especially, is said to have created figures of this
type — which the Eros of Centocelle undoubtedly
resembles. Statues of Eros were found in gym-
nasiums, and the Spartans are known to have
sacrificed to him before going into battle. Eros
embodies the yearning of the soul, which he
accompanies through life and death, and leads
to higher bliss.

In Roman imperial times, Eros was reinter-
preted as a god of death and, therefore, the type
of the Eros of Centocelle appeared frequently as a
tomb statue; as the spirit of death, Thanatos, he
held a torch in his lowered right hand.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. Amelung, Die Sculpturen des Vatican-
ischen Museums, II, Berlin, 1903, pp. 408-13, no. 250,
pi. 45; W. Helbig, Fuhrer durch die offentlkhen Samm-
lungen klassischer Altertumer in Rom: Die Papstlichen
Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, I, 4th ed., Tubingen,
1963, no. 116; P Zanker, Klassizistische Statuen, Studien
zur Verdnderung des Kunstgeschmacks in der rbmischen
Kaiserzeit, Mainz, 1974, pp. 108-9, pis. 81, 82.

FUNERARY ALTAR

Roman, last quarter of the 1st century a. d.
Marble

Height, 33 Vie " (84 cm); width, 22 Vie " (57 cm);

depth, 16 l Vie " (43 cm)
Museo Pio-Clementino, Galleria delle Statue,

lnv. no. 770

The inscription on the front of this square mono-
lith must have been chiseled off before the altar
was set up in the Museo Pio-Clemenuno. Other-
wise, the altar has been only slightly damaged;
the top, at the back, is restored.

Before it was acquired by the Vatican, this
tomb altar is known to have been in San Lorenzo
fuori le Mura. Since about 1780, it has served as
a base for the Eros of Centocelle (see cat. no. 57).

At the edges of the block are columns with
inward-twisting fluting and Composite capitals.
Beside each column is the leg of a tripod deco-
rated with scales and with paws for feet. Each
leg supports a volute composed of bead-and-
reel ornament and containing a ram's head fac-
ing inward; between the volutes a goat nurses
its kid. Through the volutes passes a garland,
the ends of which hang down between the col-
umns and the tripod legs. Below the tablet with
the now-missing inscription is a relief of a man
and wife in an open doorway, their right hands
clasped in the gesture of dextrarum iunctio (see
cat. no. 129). This scene and the legs of the tri-
pod rest on a relief of birds fighting over an in-
sect (a cicada), with rams' heads at either end.
On each of the narrow sides of the altar is a
laurel tree with birds at the foot of the trunk,
framed at the back by an Ionic pilaster.

The composition of the altar's pictorial ele-
ments, the inscription, the dress and rendering
of the figures, and the characteristic drill holes
in the carving of the garland point to a date in
the Late Flavian period of the last quarter of the
first century a.d. The group of the suckling goat
evokes a bucolic idyll, to be understood as a
symbol of peace and prosperity.

Tomb monuments in the form of altars could
be used as libation altars, supports for sarcophagi,
or as memorials. This funerary altar displays all
the features of a memorial that the freedman
Rhamnus once consecrated to the Manes of
T. Vestricius Hyginus and his wife, Vestricia He-
tera, as its inscription indicated before it was
chiseled away.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, VI, 4,
fasc. 1, p. 2790, no. 28639; W. Amelung, Die Sculpturen
des Vaticanischen Museums, II, Berlin, 1903, pp. 413-14,
no. 250a, pi. 45; W Altmann, Die romischen Grabaltare
der Kaiserzeit, Berlin, 1905, p. 162, no. 204, ill. 132;
N. Himmelmann, Uber Hirten-Genre in der antiken Kunst
(Abhandlungen der rheinisch-westfalischen Akademie
der Wissenschaften, 65), Opladen, 1980, p. 123, pi. 41.

59 A. CANDELABRUM

Roman, 1st century a.d.
Marble

Total height, 72 Vs " (184. 5 cm); height of base,
28 Vie " (72.2 cm); height of upper part,
44 "Ae" (113.5 cm)

Galleria dei Candelabri, II 51, lnv. no. 2482

The candelabrum consists of a base, shaft, and
bowl. The feet have been damaged and restored.
The heads of the Erotes in the reliefs on the base
are weathered, or missing.

Although known since the end of the fifteenth
century — the candelabrum is shown in a draw-

59 A

ing in the Codex Escurialensis — it was not until
January 1772 that Clement XIV brought it to
the Vatican from the church of Sant'Agnese
in Rome.

The mock feet at the lower corners, upon
which the three- sided base rests, consist of the
bodies and wings of sphinxes and the claws of
lions; between the sphinxes are ornamental re-
liefs with palmettes, vines, and rosettes. On each
of the three center panels of the base is an Eros,
whose thighs terminate in acanthus leaves
sprouting vines and rosettes. The Erotes hold
baskets of fruit, bunches of grapes, fillets, a horn
of plenty, or a pedum. Above these panels is a
frieze of blossoms and palmettes, with rams'
heads in the corners. The shaft, a baluster set on
a profiled foot, appears to rise out of a calyx of
acanthus leaves with blossoms. The middle of
the shaft is encircled by a wreath of acanthus

59 B

124

vines and palmettes, and, above, by three con-
necting swags made up of fruit. The strongly
profiled top is composed of a projecting, turned
row of petals, with a band of stylized, upright
leaves above it. Over this is the fluted bowl (pre-
sumed to be modern) , with an overhanging rim
of leaves.

The clean, clearly denned treatment of the
ornament and of the Erotes suggests Late Augus-
tan rather than Trajanic work, as is generally
proposed.

This candelabrum most certainly is one of a
set of six from Sant'Agnese (one is still there,
two are in the Galleria dei Candelabri, and
another is in the Galleria Borghese), and formed
a pair with no. 59 B. The slight differences among
them do not argue against their belonging to-
gether. Candelabra served as lamp stands or as
thymiaterions (incense burners). If they were not
used for religious purposes (and the decoration
in no way suggests that they were), they must
have been part of the luxurious furnishings of
Roman palaces. This type of candelabrum has
persisted into the modem era in the form of a
candlestick, or Easter light.

59 B. CANDELABRUM

Roman, 1st century a. d.
Marble

Total height, 71 'A " (181 cm); height of base,
27 Vs " (69.5 cm); height of upper part, 44 Vie "
(112.5 cm)

Galleria dei Candelabri, II 44, Inv. no. 2487

This candelabrum is the mate to cat. no. 59 A.
They share the same type of three-sided base,
baluster-like shaft, fluted bowl (the upper por-
tion of the shaft of this example was reworked
in modern times; the bowl is entirely modern),
decoration (including Erotes among vines), and
style of carving in the reliefs.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Lippold, Die Skulpturen des Vatican-
ischen Museums, III, 2, Berlin, 1956, pp. 188-89, no. 44,
pis. 88-89 (cat. no. 59 B), p. 191, no. 51, pis. 90-91 (cat.
no. 59 A); J. Bean, Les dessins italiens de la collection Bonnat,
Paris, 1960, no. 252; W Helbig, Fiihrer durch die offentlichen
Sammlungen klassischer Altertumer in Rom: Die Pdpstlichen
Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, I, 4th ed., Tubingen,
1963, no. 526; Antiquity in the Renaissance (exhib. cat.),
ed. W Stedman Sheard, Smith College Museum of Art,
Northampton, Mass., 1978, no. 117.

BOY WITH A GOOSE

Roman, 1st century a.d., after a Hellenistic original

of the 3rd-2nd century b. c.
Pentelic marble
Height, 33 'A " (85 cm)
Galleria dei Candelabri, IV 66, Inv. no. 2655

In 1789, Ferdinando Lisandroni restored this
sculpture — following a similar copy in the Stan-
za dell'Ercole (today known as the Stanza del
Fauno) of the Museo Capitolino — mainly re-
placing the heads of the boy and the goose. The
statue had been discovered on July 1 1 of that

year — during excavations carried out by the
pontifical museums in "Roma Vecchia" — in the
Villa "Sette Bassi" in the Via Latina.

A small boy tests his strength on a goose,
around whose neck he wraps his arms in a vise-
like grip, as though he were going to throttle
the bird. The boy stands like a little Hercules,
wrestling with a powerful opponent almost big-
ger than he is. The seemingly serious effort ex-
pended on child's play imparts to the work a
lighthearted quality.

Pliny (Nat. Hist. , 34, 84) mentions an "infans
amplexando . . . anseremstrangulat," a famous
bronze by the artist Boethos; the present exam-
ple is among the numerous extant copies of the
work. The group is masterfully composed, in
the form of a pyramid. The two bodies are pit-

ted against each other, their weight thrust up-
ward by the parted legs that brace and bear the
conflict. The struggle culminates in the heads,
the look of the tortured animal in sharp contrast
to the mischievous pride on the face of the boy.

The original work typifies the genre and pathos
of Hellenistic art at the turn of the third century
b.c. Although the Roman copyist of the first
century a.d. turned the work into a fountain —
the water was piped through the support at the
back — such a sculpture most probably was made
for the sanctuary of a god of healing, as thanks
for a young boy's recovery.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Lippold, Die Skulpturen des Vatican-
ischen Museums, III, 2, Berlin, 1956, pp. 325-27, 550, no.
66, pi. 145.

125

h* 'f.h *A8

DOG ATTACKING A STAG

Antique fragment, incorporated into a classicistic

reconstruction
Dark-veined marble

Height, 31 Vs " (79 cm); width, 28 % " (72 cm);

depth, 14 Vie " (36 cm)
Museo Pio-Clementino, Sala degli Animali,

Inv. no. 441

The body of the stag, the head of the dog — who
has bitten deeply into the animal's back — and
the dog's legs are original. About 1780, this frag-
ment provided Francesco Antonio Franzoni
(1734-1818) with a welcome incentive to cre-
ate the present animal group. The antique parts
were restored then, their surfaces brought to a
high polish.

The powerful representations of fighting ani-
mals that, in archaic Greek times, embellished
temple pediments as images of mortality in later
antiquity served merely as decoration. Animal
sculptures then became occasions for the intense
observation of nature, an academic exercise for
artists. The value of these works lies in their
specific content, rather than in their overall effect.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. Amelung, Die Sculpturen des Vati-
canischen Museums, II, Berlin, 1903, pp. 328-29, no. 107,
pi. 39; W. Helbig, Fiihrer durch die bffentlichen Samm-
lungen klassischer Altertiimer in Rom: Die Pdpstlichen
Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, I, 4th ed., Tubingen,
1963, no. 103; on the subject of animals in antiquity: O.
Keller, Die antike Tierwelt, I, II, Leipzig, 1909, 1913; J. M. C.
Toynbee, Animals in Roman Life and Art, London, 1973.

61, 62

MARBLE BASE WITH RELIEF

Rome, c. 1780
Carrara marble

Height, 3 7 >Vi 6 " (96 cm); width, 30 ' Vie "

(78. 5 cm); depth, 19 »/i 6 " (50 cm)
Museo Pio-Clementino, Sala degli Animali,

Inv. no. 441a

This marble base belongs to the furnishings of
the Sala degli Animali, for which it was made
about 1780. It is probably by Franzoni, who re-
stored the animal groups displayed in that gallery.

The square base has a cyma, or molding, of
acanthus leaves below, and an egg-and-dart
molding and Lesbian cyma above. On each of
the four sides of the block a square field is framed
by a border ornamented with rosettes. Only the
front is decorated with a relief. Inside a bound
laurel wreath is a simplified rendering of the
coat of arms of Pius VI (Braschi; 1775-99): a
lily bends under a gust from Boreas, the north
wind, represented as a head, above which, sepa-
rated by a molding, are three stars.

The coat of arms no longer has its initial form
of a triangular shield with convex sides; also,
the signs of the original heraldic images have
been omitted to allow the narrative quality of
the picture to dominate. Boreas may refer to the
Swedish origin of the Braschi family. The sym-
bols and emblems remain somewhat puzzling,
even to the most knowledgeable scholars.

126

At the beginning of the pontificate of Pius VI,
his coat of arms was more richly ornamented:
besides the wind, the lily, and the three stars,
there was an imperial double eagle and a styl-
ized lily. A verse affixed to the "Pasquino" group
(which stands in front of the Palazzo Braschi in
Rome) contained a mockery of it:

Give back the eagles to the empire, the lilies to
the king of the French/Give back the stars to
the sky, Braschi, and keep the rest for yourself.

The response to which was:

The lilies mean the Bourbons are friendly, the
queen of the birds shows the Austrians are
well disposed, the stars tell that God is on his
side. But what about the snow-white flowers
that endure while Zephyr blows? They stand
for the character of an innocent prince.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. Massi, Indicazione antiquaria del Ponti-
ficioMuseo Pio-Clementino in Vaticano, Rome, 1792, p. 105,
no. 35 (cf. also p. 36, no. 3); G. Ceccarelli, I Braschi, Rome,
1949, pp. 2, 11-12.

BEAR ATTACKING A BULL

Antique fragment, incorporated into a classicistic

reconstruction
Marble

Height, 13 Vs " (34 cm); width, 16 >/ s " (41 cm);

depth, 7 "/, 6 " (19.5 cm)
Museo Pio-Clementino, Sola degli Animali, Inv.

no. 439

Only the body and neck of the bull and the fore-
part of the bear are original. Franzoni created a
new sculpture from these antique fragments
about 1780.

The bear lunges head on at its prey, while the
bull tries to gore the flanks of its opponent, from
below. G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. Amelung, Die Sculpturen des Vati-
canischen Museums, II, Berlin, 1903, p. 329, no. 108,
pi. 39.

PANTHER ATTACKING A GOAT

Antique fragments, combined in a classicistic

composition
Marble

Height, 15 " (38 cm); width, 17 Vie " (44 cm);

depth, 8 Vie" (20.5cm)
Museo Pio-Clementino, Sala degli Animali, Inv.

no. 440

The original sections appear to be the bodies of
the panther and goat, and bits of one of the
panther's paws. Franzoni combined and re-
worked the two parts so skillfully that it is no
longer certain what is antique and what is
modern. Judging from the type of the paw, it is
also possible that the animal attacking the goat
might have been a lion.

G.D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. Amelung, Die Sculpturen des Vati-
canischen Museums, II, Berlin, 1903, p. 366, no. 174,
pi. 39.

127

PIERINO DA VINCI (Vinci 1531 -Pisa 1554)
COSIMO I DE' MEDICI AS PATRON OF
PISA

After 1549
Carrara marble

Height, 29 Vs " (74 cm); width, 39 % " (108 cm)
Museo Pio-Clementino, Galleria delle Statue, Inv.
no. 742

Until 1981, this relief was set into the south wall
of the Galleria delle Statue of the Museo Pio-
Clementino, which once had served as the prin-
cipal wing of the Palazzetto del Belvedere of In-
nocent VIII, on the site of the chapel decorated
by Mantegna. The original has been replaced
permanently with a plaster cast. The relief de-
picts Cosimo I de' Medici, of Tuscany, amidst
personifications of his own virtues, expelling
from Pisa "the many vices and natural defects
of the place that, like enemies, were besieging
and afflicting it everywhere" (G. Vasari, Le Vite,
1568, Milanesi ed., VI, 1878, pp. 128-29).

The grand duke, holding a scepter, is at the
center, in the act of raising to her feet (again in
Vasari's words) "a Minerva representing Wis-
dom and the Arts, which were revived by him
in the city of Pisa." According to E. Steinmann
(1908, pp. 40-42), the scene records Cosimo's
founding of the new University of Pisa in 1542,
its opening in 1543, and the creation, in 1547,
of the Ufficio de'Fossi (Office of Canals), a sort
of ministry of water control that improved liv-
ing conditions in the city. It is not known for
what purpose or for what monument this panel
was sculpted. Curiously, Vasari called the work
unfinished, "imperfetto" — perhaps, however,
referring to the project for which it was made. In
any case, it is one of the most beautiful and most
significant works of the very young Pierino that
is believed to have been executed upon his re-
turn from a stay in Rome during 1548 and 1549.
As Venturi (1936, X, 2, p. 332) noted, the tech-
nique resembles that of "a goldsmith who has
cast his figures in metal and then has subtly
incised their outlines on the background, while
softening their flesh in the manner of Bandinelli."
There are many references to the work of
Michelangelo, which Pierino certainly studied
very carefully during his Roman visit. Accord-
ing to R A. Massi (1846, p. 76, no. 249), one of
the Virtues has Michelangelo's facial features —
perhaps the bearded figure in the second row,
on the left, framed by the two vessels carried by
a man and a woman. The Michelangelesque
quality of the relief suggested an attribution to
the master, himself, to Winckelmann's friend B.
Cavaceppi, who owned the work and published
it thus, in 1772 (cf. B. Cavaceppi, pi. 60). The
relief was purchased from Cavaceppi by G. B.
Visconti, who paid five hundred scudi, on be-
half of the Museo Clementino Vaticano — as re-
vealed by an autograph memorandum discov-
ered by Carlo Pietrangeli (which he kindly shared
with me). The document is important, for it in-
forms us that, prior to entering Cavaceppi's
collection, the relief was owned by the Salviati
family, and it provides a valuable indication of
the tastes that informed Visconti's choices. The

relief, then attributed to Michelangelo, was of having acquired, in the space of a century,

considered — with much exaggeration — "of its the bas-relief from the Ottoboni tomb (the fu-

type the most elegant and famous work of the nerary monument of Alexander VIII by A. de

sixteenth century, the restorer of the fine arts. Rossi in Saint Peter's); the Attila (of Algardi in

Indeed, how much prestige and esteem will come the chapel of Saint Leo I in Saint Peter's); and

to the Vatican, which, until then, had owned a the present work, the most beautiful specimen

plaster cast of it, if it [the Vatican] could boast of the sixteenth century — that is to say, the

128

flowers of three centuries" (cf. "Giustificazioni
del Museo Clementino," in the Archivio di Stato
Roma, Camerale II, no. 308). Perhaps because
of its "exemplary" character, Pierino's relief was
the only Renaissance art exhibited in the Museo
Clementino, providing a comparison with the
sculpture of antiquity. F. M.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: B. Cavaceppi, Raccolta d'antiche statue,
Rome, 1772, pi. 60; E A. Massi, Museo Pio-Clementino al
Vaticano, Rome, 1846, p. 76, no. 249; G. Vasari, Le Vitede'
piu eccellenti pittori, scultori ed architettori, 1568, Milanesi
ed., Florence, VI, 1878, pp. 128-29; E. Steinmann, "Zur
Ikonographie Michelangelos," in Monatshefte fur Kunst-
wissenschaft, 1, 1908, pp. 40-52; idem, Die Portrdtdarstellung
des Michelangelo, Leipzig, 1913, p. 49; W. Gramberg,

"Beitrage zum Werk und Leben Pierino da Vincis," in
Jahrbuch der Preussischen Kunstsammlungen, II, 1931, pp.
225-26; A. Venturi, Storia dell' Arte Italiana, Milan, X, 2,
1936, p. 332; C. Pietrangeli, "II Museo Clementino
Vaticano," in Rendiconti della Pontifitia Accademia Romana
diArcheologia, XXVII, 1951-52, p. 106; J. Pope-Hennessy,
Italian High Renaissance and Baroque Sculpture, London- New
York, 1970, p. 361.

129

PINACOTECA

FIG. 34. BENJAMIN ZIX. MASTERPIECES FROM THE VATICAN'S COLLECTION OF PAINTINGS
EXHIBITED IN THE GRANDE GALERIE OF THE MUSEE NAPOLEON (NOW THE MUSEE NATIONAL DU LOUVRE)
IN PARIS. WATERCOLOR FOR A SEVRES VASE COMMISSIONED TO CELEBRATE
THE MARRIAGE OF NAPOLEON AND MARIE LOUISE, IN 1810. SEVRES, MUSEE NATIONAL DE CERAMIQUE

130

Paintings from the Vatican collections have been pub-
licly exhibited for two centuries, but the present
Pinacoteca, one of the newest buildings of the
Vatican, opened to visitors just over fifty years
ago, in 1932. The formation of the collection is
associated with four popes: Pius VI (1775-99),
Pius VII (1800-1823), Pius X (1903-14), and Pius XI (1922-
39). About 1790, Pius VI created the first Pinacoteca in what
is now the Galleria degli Arazzi. The space then consisted of
three large rooms, and the pope ordered that a vaulted ceil-
ing be constructed and decorated. The collection numbered
118 paintings, of varying provenance. Three of these —
Poussin's Martyrdom of Saint Erasmus, The Mass of Saint Grego-
ry by Sacchi, and Valentin's Martyrdom of Saints Processus and
Martinian — had been removed from Saint Peter's for reasons
of conservation and replaced by mosaics. Paintings by Reni
and Guercino, Barocci's Rest on the Flight into Egypt, and a
group of flower pieces by Seghers were also exhibited. Only
works of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and early eighteenth cen-
turies were displayed in the Gallery of Pius VI. As was typical
of the taste of that time, paintings of earlier date — the so-
called primitives, and Byzantine icons — were excluded, al-
though such works had already entered the collections of
the Museo Sacro of the library. The gallery was short-lived.
Following the Treaty of Tolentino (1797), a number of the
most important works were taken to Paris (fig. 34); as a result,
and to give more space to the sculpture collection, the gallery
was closed in 1802, and the remaining pictures were dispersed.

After the fall of Napoleon, Antonio Canova and Gaetano
Marini secured the restitution of a number of works from the
papal states that had been taken to France. In accordance
with the allies' wishes, the most important of these were not
returned to their places of origin, but were exhibited to the
public as a group, as they had been in Paris. Thus, the new
Pinacoteca, which opened in 1817 in the six rooms of the
Borgia Apartment (fig. 35), included twenty-six works re-
turned from Paris. Among these were Raphael's Transfiguration;
paintings by Perugino, Reni, and Guercino; two predella panels
by Fra Angelico; Barocci's Blessed Michelina and The Annuncia-
tion; and the Pietd by Giovanni Bellini. To this nucleus were
added paintings from the Palazzo del Quirinale, Capitoline
collections, and pontifical apartments — for example, Titian's
Madonna in Glory, from San Nicolo dei Frari in Venice; and
two Veroneses, Saint Helen and the small octagonal Allegory.
The Pinacoteca of Pius VII included only forty- four pictures,
but all were of the highest quality, a collection of master-
pieces from the Renaissance and after. Salviucci's catalogue
of 1821 describes the arrangement of the galleries. In the first
room, the Sala dei Pontefici, three works of the sixteenth
century and two of the seventeenth, very different in style
and date, were exhibited: Raphael's Transfiguration, Giulio
Romano's cartoon for The Martyrdom of Saint Stephen, and
the paintings by Titian, Poussin, and Valentin mentioned
above. The second room, the Sala dei Misteri, was even more
heterogeneous. In it were exhibited the predella panels by
Fra Angelico, Caravaggio's Deposition, Sacchi's Saint Romuald,
The Aldobrandini Wedding (a Roman wall painting acquired
by Pius VII in 1818), and five other fragments of ancient

131

FIG. 35. TOMMASO CONCA. THE INSTALLATION OF THE NEW PICTURE GALLERY, IN 1817,
IN THE BORGIA APARTMENT. FRESCO. GALLERIA CHIARAMONTI

Roman painting that had been discovered in recent excava-
tions in Rome and its environs.

A number of early Italian paintings were acquired with
the Mariotti Collection in 1820. These, however, were not
shown in the Pinacoteca but in the library gallery that was
set aside for the purpose. This group of early paintings in
time was expanded, particularly under Gregory XVI (1831-46)
and through the initiative of Monsignor Gabriele Laureani,
prefect of the library, who sent an open letter to religious
organizations in the papal states asking that paintings at their
disposal be donated to the pope.

Although the Pinacoteca was moved several times, it
should be emphasized that the collection created by Pius VII
remained essentially unchanged throughout the nineteenth
century. In 1846, under Gregory XVI, thirty- five pictures were
exhibited, and, in 1870, during the pontificate of Pius IX
(1846-78), forty- two works were on view. Throughout this
period the Picture Gallery maintained its character as a col-
lection of masterpieces exhibited for the pleasure of the pope.

By 1822, the Pinacoteca had been transferred from the
Borgia Apartment — which was not well illuminated — to
rooms on the third floor of the Logge of Gregory XIII. Having
been exhibited briefly in the rooms used for the first Pina-
coteca (fig. 36), and in the Apartments of Pius V the paintings
were returned to the Logge of Gregory XIII in 1857, at the re-
quest of Pius IX. Under Gregory XVI, Guercino's Saint John the
Baptist and Carlo Crivelli's Dead Christ were added to the
collection. Leonardo da Vinci's Saint Jerome, which was in
the 1845 sale of the collection of Cardinal Fesch, entered the
Pinacoteca rather later, in 1857. Under Pius IX, paintings by
Guercino, Sassoferrato, Moretto, and Ribera also were
acquired, and two by Murillo, The Adoration of the Shepherds
and San Pedro Arbues, were presented by members of the

Spanish royal family. Melozzo da Forli's fresco Sixtus IV Nomi-
nates Platina Prefect of the Vatican Library, which, originally,
had decorated the Latin Room in the Library of Sixtus IV,
was transferred to canvas and moved to the Pinacoteca dur-
ing the pontificate of Leo XIII (1878-1903).

The rooms described above were difficult of access, due
to their proximity to the papal apartments; they came to seem
small, disorganized, and poorly lit, and were subject to radi-
cal changes of temperature according to the season. Thus,
with the advent of Pius X, the Pinacoteca was moved once
again. The display was radically transformed: didactic crite-
ria were adopted, the size of the collection increased
substantially, and 277 works were exhibited. For the first time
modern concerns, such as the need for conservation and for
more logical organization, came into play. The site chosen
for the new Pinacoteca was a series of rooms under the library,
on the ground floor of the building to the west of the Cortile
del Belvedere. The space was adapted to provide for an en-
trance area, seven galleries, and a storeroom. The rooms were
vaulted, with stuccoed ceilings, and the walls were covered
with fabric; the windows were curtained; a modern heating
system was installed; and many works were restored to
exhibitable state. The installation of the Pinacoteca was en-
trusted to the painter Ludovico Seitz and, after his death, to
Professor Pietro D'Achiardi, who published the first scholar-
ly catalogue of the collection. Again for the first time, each
work was identified by a label with a suggested attribution,
and all of the paintings were grouped by period and school.

To the existing collections had been added, in 1909, the
Byzantine icons from the Museo Sacro, and the primitives
from the Vatican Library (Margaritone's Saint Francis, Ma-
donnas by Vitale da Bologna and Daddi, Pietro Lorenzetti's
Christ Before Pilate, and the predella panels from Gentile da

132

Fabriano's Quaratesi Altarpiece, among others). A number
of important works, many of the Quattrocento, were trans-
ferred from the Lateran museum — paintings by Carlo Crivelli,
Benozzo Gozzoli, and Fra Bartolomeo, for example — as well
as a Giulio Romano cartoon.

In fact, the Pinacoteca of Pius X assumed definitively
the character of a public museum. The collection, which
throughout the nineteenth century remained semiprivate —
located near the papal apartments, infrequently open to
visitors, and including only a small number of paintings, of
excellent quality — was more systematically arranged and
made available to a broader public.

The Pinacoteca was transferred during the pontificate of
Pius XI to the building that houses it today. In 1922 and
1927, respectively, departments for the restoration of paint-
ings and tapestries had been set up. Later, in accordance with
the Lateran Treaty of February 1929, which established the
borders of the new Vatican state, the Holy See pledged to
make the artistic and scientific treasures of the Vatican avail-
able to scholars and visitors, while reserving the right to regu-
late public access. The present entrance was opened in the
Vatican walls. The design and construction of a new build-
ing were entrusted to Luca Beltrami, but Pius XI personally
selected the site and oversaw the planning of the new structure,
which included galleries on the second floor and ancillary
services below. The building is freestanding, ensuring ideal
lighting conditions for the restoration studios on the ground
floor. The exhibition galleries above, on the north side, re-
ceive side light, while those on the south side, and the Raph-
ael gallery at the east end, are lit from above. By 1932, no
fewer than 463 works were on view. Newly exhibited paint-
ings included Christ Blessing, a Roman panel of the twelfth
century; the Stefaneschi Altarpiece, painted by Giotto and
his school for the high altar of Saint Peter's; the fresco frag-
ments of angels and apostles by Melozzo, which were recov-
ered in 1711 from the Basilica dei Santi Apostoli in Rome;
the Astronomical Observations by Creti, removed from Castel
Gandolfo; and portraits of Alexander VI (1492-1503), Clem-
ent IX (1667-69), and Benedict XIV (1740-58).

Again, the increased space permitted a more logical
display, in which the works could be presented in chronologi-
cal sequence, by school, and, where appropriate, by genre.
Individual rooms were named after the dominant artist in
each. For the first time, eighteenth-century paintings were
also on view. On the other hand, the paintings of the four-
teenth century and earlier, even then deprecatingly referred
to as primitives, were still shown with Byzantine icons that
differed radically in style and were centuries later in date.
The installation, which was in the hands of Biagio Biagetti,
has remained essentially unchanged to this day. A small se-
lection of contemporary works has been acquired more
recently, but these were subsequently absorbed into the Col-
lection of Modern Religious Art established by Paul VI
(1963-78) in 1973.

In 1972-73, the first three rooms of the Pinacoteca were
reinstalled. A separate gallery is being prepared for the Byz-
antine icons. The panel paintings have been freed of later
additions — nineteenth-century frames, for the most part — and

returned to their original dimensions. The modern retouch-
ing is integrated, but, at the same time, easily discernible
with careful observation. The most important of the restora-
tions completed recently is that of Raphael's Transfiguration,
and, in 1980, the cleaning of Michelangelo's lunettes in the
Sistine Chapel was begun. The year 1979 saw the publica-
tion of the first of a series of new catalogues, Volbach's study
of all of the paintings in the papal collections dating from the
tenth century to the time of Giotto. Further volumes are
intended to be equally comprehensive, and a program of
inventory and cataloguing has been undertaken in all of the

properties of the Holy See. _ , . . w . „.

Fabrizio Mancinelli

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. A. Guattani, I piii celebri quadri delle diverse scuole italiane riuniti
nell'Appartamento Borgia del Vaticano disegnati ed incisi a contorno da Giuseppe Craffonara
pittore tirolese e brevemente descritti da G. A. G., Rome, 1820; G. and A. D'Este, Elenco
degli oggetti esistenti nel Museo Vaticano, Rome, 1821, pp. 2-61; Galleria di quadri al
Vaticano, Rome, 1846; G.Moroni, Dizionariodieducazionestorico-ecclesiastica.XD/II.Venice,
1847, pp. 91-97, LXXXVIII, Venice, 1858, pp. 243-44; Galleria dei quadri al terzo piano
delle Logge Vaticane, Rome, 1857; X. Barbier de Montault, Les Musies et Galeries de Rome,
Rome, 1870, pp. 167-72; A. Venturi, La Galleria Vaticana (Collezione Edelweiss, II),
Rome, 1890; P. D'Achiardi, La Nuova Pinacoteca Vaticana, Rome, 1909; idem, Guida della
Pinacoteca Vaticana, III, Rome, 1913; A. Munoz, I quadri bizantini della Pinacoteca Vaticana
provenienti dalla Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome, 1928; E D'Achiardi, I quadri primitivi della
Pinacoteca Vaticana e del Museo Cristiano descritti e illustrati, Rome, 1929; B. Biagetti, La
Nuova Pinacoteca Vaticana, Vatican City, 1932; A. Porcella, Musei e Gallerie Pontificie,
Guida della Pinacoteca Vaticana, Vatican City, 1933; E. Francia, La Pinacoteca Vaticana,
Milan, 1961; D. Redig de Campos, Itinerario pittorico dei Musei Vaticani, Rome, 1964;
C. Pietrangeli, "I Musei Vaticani al tempo di Pio VI," in Bollettino dei Monumenti Musei e
Gallerie Pontificie, I, 2, 1978, pp. 7-45; Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie. Catalogo
della Pinacoteca Vaticana, I, W. F. Volbach, / dipinti dalXsecolo fino a Giotto, Vatican City,
1979; F. Mancinelli, Pinacoteca (Musei Vaticani), Vatican City, 1981.

FIG. 36. THE PINACOTECA, AS INSTALLED IN
THE GALLERIA DEGLI ARAZZI (FROM E. PISTOLESI,
IL VATICANO DESCRITTO ED ILLUSTRATO, ROME, 1829)

133

ANTONIO CANOVA (Possagno 1757-
Venice 1822)

PORTRAIT OF PIUS VII (1800-1823)

c. 1820-22

Marble

Height, 24 W (62 cm); with base, 34 Vs" (88 cm)
Braccio Nuovo, Inv. no. 2301

The bust represents Gregorio Luigi Bamaba Chi-
aramonti (1742-1823), a Benedictine monk,
who successively became bishop of Imola and
Tivoli, cardinal in 1783, and Pope Pius VII in
1800. It was Pius VII who was responsible for
the creation of the Museo Chiaramonti, the Brac-
cio Nuovo, and the reorganization of the Vati-
can Pinacoteca. This is the third portrait of the
pope executed by Canova. The first, sculpted in
1803-4, is today in the Musee National du Cha-
teau de Versailles. The second, executed about
1806-7, was given by Canova to Pius VII in
1807; from him, it passed to the Protomoteca
Capitolina upon its inauguration in 1820. Cano-
va executed a replica of the latter portrait for

the Braccio Nuovo, which was opened in the
same year.

The present work is that replica, signed on
the base at the right a. canova fece. Its rather
academic execution suggests the participation
of an assistant, perhaps Adamo Tadolini, whose
1816 copy of the original is now in the Universi-
ty of Bologna. In the Capitolina portrait, as in
the one at Versailles, Canova attempted to cap-
ture Pius VII "at one of those moments, so
difficult to record, of serenity and gentle sweet-
ness that characterized his most clement heart,"
but, in the replica for the Braccio Nuovo, the
psychological observation remains superficial,
subordinated to the desire to render individual
details with cold precision. The impeccable, al-
most virtuosic execution of the face and hair
contrasts with the generalized and uncertain
rendering of the details of the mozzetta and the
stole, in which, according to V Martinelli (1955),
the hand of an assistant clearly can be seen.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. D'Este, Memorie di A. Canova,
Florence, 1864, p. 253; V. Martinelli and C. Pietrangeli,
La Protomoteca Capitolina, Rome, 1955, pp. 40-44;
G. Pavanello, L'opera completa di Canova, Milan, 1976,
p. 132, no. 337.

A-C. SAN NICOLA IN CARCERE

These frescoes were formerly part of the deco-
ration of the Roman basilica of San Nicola in
Carcere, where they covered the walls and vault
of what the sources call the "confessione" —
perhaps the crypt, or the three-apsed cella lying
beneath the nineteenth-century chapel of the
Madonna of Guadalupe. On the occasion of the
1855 restoration of the church (ordered by Pius
IX) , the surviving frescoes of the confessione were
detached, transferred to canvas, and exhibited —
together with those from the church of Sant'
Agnese — in the Museo Cristiano Lateranense,
which had been established a few years before
by Gregory XVI. They remained there until 1926,
when they were moved to the Vatican, restored,
and placed in the storeroom of the Pinacoteca.
Two of the tondi with prophets were exhibited
in the Pinacoteca in 1973. From A. Ciacconio,
who saw the confessione in 1591, we know that
in addition to the frescoes that have been pre-
served (The Baptism of Christ; the tondi with the
Prophets Amos, Haggai, Jeremiah, and Moses;
and nineteen ornamental fragments), the deco-
ration included a Crucifixion and a Flagellation
(documented by Ciacconio 's sketches) and four
roundels of Saints Abundius, Abundantius,
Mark, and Marcellinus (of which no graphic
record survives). The Baptism roundel was locat-
ed at the center of the vault and was bordered
by the four tondi of the prophets — whose icono-
graphic relationship to the central subject was
underscored by the scrolls that they hold, each
alluding to Christ and his mission of redemption.
The three fragments with partridges and a hare
amidst flowering shrubs probably belonged to
the ceiling decoration, as well, since part of the
same swag of fruits and foliage that appears in
these sections was also included in the tondi
and the central roundel. However, it is difficult
to determine the original location of the other
fragments. One of the walls, perhaps on the socle,
might have been decorated with intersecting cir-
cles surrounding birds resting on, or holding
onto, floral elements; these are not unlike the
decoration below The Legend of Saint Alexis in
the Roman basilica of San Clemente. All of the
paintings are true frescoes, executed with rapid
and impressionistic brushwork on a layer of plas-
ter made of lime and sand and finished with a
whitewash of lime and marble dust.

Stylistically, the frescoes of the confessione are
related to other Roman paintings of the first quar-
ter of the twelfth century. As W. F. Volbach (1979,
pp. 16-17) has revealed, the iconography of the
Baptism is Roman in all its constituent elements;
roundels analogous to those of the prophets are
to be found in Rome at Santa Croce and a little
to the north in the town of Tuscania, and
typologically similar decorative elements appear
in Rome both at San Clemente and at Santa
Pudenziana, and in the environs of Rome at
Castel Sant'Elia. All of these cycles date from
between the end of the eleventh and the first
half of the twelfth century. Such a dating in the
early eleven hundreds is, for the most part,
agreed upon in the literature, including the re-

134

cent studies that have associated the frescoes with
the restoration and reconsecration of San Nicola
in 1128.

67 A. THE PROPHET MOSES

Roman school, c. 1120-30
Fresco

Diameter, 23 Vie" (59.5 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 508

The tondo, restored in 1972 using conservative
techniques, is in relatively good condition. As
the inscription indicates, the Prophet Moses is
represented; he holds a scroll whose text, from
Acts (7:37), alludes to the coming of Christ: . . .
vobis svsci/ [tabit] . . . fratrib[vs] (This is that
Moses, which said unto the children of Israel,
A prophet shall the Lord your God raise up unto
you . . . him shall ye hear). The fresco was on
the ceiling of the confessione and, with the other
tondi representing prophets, formed the border
of The Baptism of Christ.

67 B. THE PROPHET JEREMIAH

Roman school, c. 1120-30
Fresco

Diameter, 23 'A" (59 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 506

The tondo is in fairly good condition; it was
restored in 1977 using conservative techniques.
As the inscription indicates, the Prophet Jeremiah
is represented; he holds a scroll inscribed with a
text taken from Jeremiah (11:19), alluding to
Christ's sacrifice: . . . co qvasi agnvs man / [svet]
vs qvi portatvr (But I was like a lamb or an ox
that is brought to the slaughter; and I knew not
that they had devised devices against me . . . ) .
The fresco decorated the ceiling of the confessione
and, with the other tondi representing prophets,
formed the border of The Baptism of Christ.

67 C. DECORATIVE FRAGMENT

Roman school, c. 1120-30
Fresco

Height, 17 W (45 cm); width, 14 Vu (36 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 489

This fragment is in a good state and was re-
stored in 1981 using conservative techniques. It
represents a pheasant seen in profile, between
two shrubs with leaves and flowers. At the lower
right is part of a curved swag — containing leaves
and fruit on a black background— the edge of
which was drawn with the aid of a compass. The
presence of this swag suggests that the fragment
might have been part of the decoration between
the tondi on the ceiling of the confessione.

F.M.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Ciacconio, Descriptio coemeterii sive
loci sacri subterranei antiquae Ecclesiae Sancti Nicolai in Carcere
Tulliano a Fratre Alfonso Ciaccon ordinis praedicatorum
elaborata anno Dom. 1591, Biblioteca Vaticana, Cod. Vat. lat.
5409; 0. Marucchi, Guida del Museo Lateranense, Rome,
1898, p. 178; L. Magnani, "Frammenti di affreschi
medioevali di S. Nicola in Carcere nella Pinacoteca
Vaticana," in Rendiconti della Pontiflcia Accademia Romana
di Archeologia, VIII, 1932, p. 239; E. B. Garrison, Jr., Studies
in the History of Medieval Italian Painting, III, Florence,
1957-58, p. 187; Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie.
Catalogo della Pinacoteca Vaticana, I, W. F. Volbach, / dipinti
dal X secolo fino a Giotto, Vatican City, 1979, pp. 11-17,
nos. 2 B, D, F.

] 67 C

135

MARGARITONE DI AREZZO

(MARGARITO DI MAGNANO), Arezzo

1216-c. 1290
SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI

c. 1270-80

Tempera on panel (fir)

Height, 50" (127cm); width, 21 V 4 " (53.9 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 2

The panel, from the Vatican Library, was trans-
ferred in 1909 to the Pinacoteca of Pius X, where
it was the earliest work in the gallery. In 1965, it
was restored using strictly conservative tech-
niques. Saint Francis is standing in a directly
frontal pose, dressed in his usual gray-brown
habit, his wounded feet exposed. The saint holds
the Gospel in his left hand and raises his right
to show the stigmata. At the lower left is
the fragmentary signature of Margaritone:
m[a] r [g] a [ri] to d [e] [ariti] o me fe c [it] . During
restoration it was found that the background
and the dark- red band on which the saint stands
(this band originally rose halfway up the panel)
had been repainted; the additions were not re-
moved but simply isolated after exposing the
surviving original paint.The hood's once-pointed
tip had long since abraded and become rounder,
like that in the version in Siena (P Torriti, 1977,
p. 47); the cleaning restored its original form,
as intended by the artist.

The painting is one of several versions of the
subject by Margaritone. He, like Giunta Pisano,
was very active in disseminating the image of
Saint Francis, who was greatly venerated in the
churches of Central Italy. Unlike Giunta, who
added four scenes from the life of Francis to his
representation, Margaritone created a prototype
with the single, isolated figure of Saint Francis,
which, to judge from the large number of sur-
viving versions, enjoyed sufficient public favor
to secure the posthumous fame of the Aretine
artist. Of the variants, the most notable are those
in Siena, Montepulciano, and Rome (the church
of San Francesco a Ripa) and two in Arezzo
(from Ganghereto, and from the monastery of
Sargiano). The prototype may survive among
the extant examples. A. M. Maetzke (1973, p.
108; 1974, pp. 28-30) believes that the picture
from Sargiano might well be primary, as X rays
revealed an earlier version, evidently painted a
few years before, beneath the visible composition;
this first rendition depicts Francis with his head
uncovered and his eyes raised to heaven. For
the Vatican panel, E. B. Garrison, Jr. (1949, p.
51, no. 57), and W F. Volbach (1979, pp. 23-24,
no. 6) propose a date between 1270 and 1280 —
about the time of the version in Siena and of
most other known replicas. F. M.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. D'Achiardi, Guida della Pinacoteca
Vaticana, III, Rome, 1913, p. 3, no. 1; E. B. Garrison, Jr.,
Italian Romanesque Panel Painting, Florence, 1949, p. 51,
no. 57; A. M. Maetzke, "Nuove ricerche su Margarito
d' Arezzo," in Bollettino d'Arte del Ministero della Pubblica
Istruzione, VIII, 1973, p. 108; idem, "Margarito di Arezzo e
Ignoto Toscano, S. Francesco," in Arte nell'Aretino (exhib.
cat.), Florence, 1974, pp. 28-30; E Torriti, La Pinacoteca
Nazionale di Siena, i dipinti dal XII al XV secolo, Genoa,
1977, p. 47; Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie. Catalogo
della Pinacoteca Vaticana, I, W F. Volbach, / dipinti dal X
secolo fino a Giotto, Vatican City, 1979, pp. 23-24, no. 6.

BERNARDO DADDI (Florence c. 1290-1355)
MADONNA AND CHILD

c. 1335-40
Tempera on panel

Height, 31 W (96 cm); width, 24" (61 cm)
Palazzi Vaticani, Appartamento Pontificio, Inv. no.
180

This picture, restored in 1963, is in good con-
dition. In 1909, it was transferred to the Pina-
coteca of Pius X from the Vatican Library; in
1964, Pope Paul VI had the work brought to the
Sala dei Papi in the Pontifical Apartment, where
it remains today. The Madonna is represented
half length, holding the infant in her arms. He
toys with the collar of her dress and raises his
right hand to tenderly caress the face of his
mother. The theme, typifying the emotional re-
lationship between mother and child, is ex-
pressed through gestures and the silent exchange
of glances. The figures are monumentally con-
ceived and rendered with a volumetric solidity
that is underscored by a use of color highly dec-
orative in effect but restricted in range. The panel
is very close to several mature works by or at-
tributed to Daddi: the Madonna in the Berenson
Collection at Villa I Tatti; the triptych (or panels
from a polyptych), dated 1334, in the John G.
Johnson Collection at the Philadelphia Muse-
um of Art; the Madonna and Child with Saints
Matthias and George, Four Angels, and a Donor,
dated 1336, at Bagno a Ripoli; and, to a lesser
extent, the Madonna in the Acton Collection in
Florence. On the basis of these similarities, G.
von Vitzthum and Bernard Berenson attributed
the picture to Daddi, himself, while O. Siren,
F. M. Perkins, and R. Offner considered it a work
of his school — a hypothesis that is contradicted
by the very high quality of the painting.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. von Vitzthum, Bernardo Daddi,
Leipzig, 1903, pp. 21-22; F. Mason Perkins, "Note su
alcuni quadri del Museo Cristiano nel Vaticano," in
Rassegna d'Arte, VI, 1906, p. 123; O. Siren, "Notizie critiche
sui quadri sconosciuti nel Museo Cristiano Vaticano," in
I Arte, IX, 1906, p. 330; R D'Achiardi, Guida della Pinacoteca
Vaticana, III, Rome, 1913, p. 4, no. 5; R. Offner, Corpus of
Florentine Painting, sec. Ill, vol. IV, New York, 1934, p. 36;
B. Berenson, Italian Pictures of the Renaissance, London,
1932, p. 167; idem, Italian Pictures of the Renaissance.
Florentine School, London, 1963, p. 57.

PIETRO LORENZETTI (Siena c. 1280-1348)
CHRIST BEFORE PILATE

c. 1335

Tempera on panel

Height, 15" (38 cm); width, 10 %" (27.5 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 168

This small panel, restored in 1 98 1 using conserv-
ative techniques, comes from the Vatican Library
and was first exhibited in the Pinacoteca during
the pontificate of Pius X (1903-14). The con-

dition of the work is relatively good, despite some
scratches and losses and an old, too-radical
cleaning. Both the figures and the architectural
and ornamental elements were first drawn with
a stylus on the gesso priming of the panel, which
is painted on both sides. The episode of the con-
frontation of Christ and Pontius Pilate, described
in all the Synoptic Gospels, is represented on the
obverse. The moment portrayed is that referred
toby John (18:33-35), when Pilate asks Christ:
'Art thou the King of the Jews? Jesus answered
him, Sayest thou this thing of thyself, or did
others tell it thee of me? Pilate answered, Am I
a Jew? Thine own nation and the chief priests
have delivered thee unto me: what hast thou
done?" Pilate points to himself as he speaks.

The scene is rigorously designed to emphasize
the two protagonists; Christ and Pilate are iso-
lated at the right, while at the left are the High
Priest and a small group of soldiers. The archi-
tectural elements, of great elegance and formal
simplicity, determine the space in which the ac-
tion takes place and, at the same time, divide
the figures into two distinct, dramatically oppos-
ing groups. Despite its small dimensions, the pic-
ture possesses an extraordinary monumentality.
On the reverse, the panel has not been left rough
and untreated; rather, like the obverse, it has
been smoothed and prepared with a gesso
priming. A Active marble design with a silvered
border has been applied, of which a few traces
remain of a reddish bole preparation. This deco-

137

ration indicates that the panel was intended to
be seen on both sides and, originally, was part
of a diptych or, more probably, a triptych paint-
ed for private devotion.

The painting is almost unanimously attributed
to Pietro Lorenzetti, whose Sienese education,
modified by Florentine influence, is evidenced
by its chromatic, richly ornamental texture and
by the placid solemnity and monumentality of
the whole. Typical of the artist's more mature
works is the particularly complex perspectival
structure of the scene. Stylistically, the picture
resembles the altarpiece from the chapel of Saint
Sabinus in the cathedral of Siena, painted be-
tween 1335 and 1342 and now divided between
the Museo dell'Opera del Duomo in Siena and

the National Gallery in London, and the predel-
la of the 1328 altarpiece from the Chiesa del
Carmine in Siena, now in the Pinacoteca of that
city. Martin Davies (1961, p. 301) believes that
the panel might have been part of the predella
from the chapel of Saint Sabinus, but the pres-
ence of the decoration on the reverse seems to
exclude this hypothesis.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. D'Achiardi, Guida della Pinacoteca
Vaticana, III, Rome, 1913, p. 6, no. 9; M. Davies, The
Earlier Italian Schools. National Gallery Catalogues, 2nd ed.,
London, 1961, p. 301; E. Carli, Pietro e Ambrogio Lorenzetti,
Milan (Siena), 1970; idem, Pittori Senesi, Milan, 1971, p. 108.

SASSETTA (STEFANO DI GIOVANNI),

Siena c. 1400-1450
THE VISION OF SAINT THOMAS
AQUINAS

1423-26

Tempera on panel (poplar)

Height, 9 %" (25 cm); width, 11 'A" (28.5 cm)

Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 234

This work, which entered the Pinacoteca in 1909
from the collection of the Vatican Library, is one
of the predella panels from Sassetta's dismem-
bered Arte della Lana triptych (P DAchiardi,
III, 1913, pp. 78-79). A restoration employing
modern conservation techniques was undertak-
en in 1974; the painting is in fairly good condi-
tion despite some losses, particularly in the
background. The picture, which still maintains
its original dimensions, represents a well-known
event in the life of Saint Thomas Aquinas. Ac-
cording to his biographers, in 1273 Thomas was
praying before a crucifix at the monastery of
San Domenico in Naples when he heard a voice
asking him: "Thomas, you have written well of
me; what reward do you wish to receive for
your labors?" To which he replied, "Lord, noth-
ing but you." In Sassetta's interpretation the
image before which the saint kneels is not carved
or painted but is, instead, a materialization of
the crucified Christ, which is in turn draped with
a veil. The book held by Thomas and the writ-
ing desk in the cell beyond clearly allude to the
saint's career as a writer.

Sassetta does not place the scene in its actual
locale, the chapel of the monastery of Saint
Nicholas; rather, the event is set in a kind of
loggia, before Thomas's cell, beside a courtyard
with arches and pilasters viewed in perspective
to give depth to the scene. The palette employed
is at once extremely subdued and refined, in
order to emphasize the spirituality of the moment
represented. The triptych to which this predella
panel belonged was painted by Sassetta between
July 1423 and December 1426 as an altarpiece
for the chapel of the Arte della Lana (the Wool
Guild) in Siena. This chapel was attached to the
former church of San Pellegrino and was used
by the guild to celebrate its own festival: on the
occasion of the Feast of Corpus Domini, a
procession would leave the chapel and proceed
to the nearby Chiesa del Carmine. In 1423, the
altar of the chapel was still devoid of any
altarpiece, and the members of the guild, dis-
graced and ashamed, agreed to solicit funds for
one; from this arose the commission granted
Sassetta. With the transfer of the celebration of
Corpus Domini to the cathedral, the chapel of
the Arte della Lana lost its importance. In 1798,
it was severely damaged by an earthquake, and
in 1816 it was demolished, along with the church
of San Pellegrino. At that time, the triptych was
dismembered and dispersed, but its appearance
is known from eighteenth-century descriptions
by Girolamo Carli and also by Angiolo Maria
Carapelli, who noted that the frame was Gothic,
"ending in many very pointed pinnacles." The
central panel represented a subject related to the
guild's feast, The Exaltation of the Corpus Domini,

138

and featured a monstrance held by angels flying
between other music-making angels — all, above
a landscape with two castles, towers, and domes.
The main part of this panel is lost, but E. Borsook
(1966, p. 37) and F. Zeri (1973, pp. 29-32) be-
lieve that two fragments of the landscape sur-
vive in A City on the Sea and A Castle on the
Lakeshore (Inv. nos. 70, 71) in the Pinacoteca in
Siena; this proposal, however, has been rejected
by P. Torriti (1977, pp. 113-15). Above the cen-
tral panel was a Coronation of the Virgin (since
lost). On the left was a Saint Anthony Abbot, iden-
tified by Zeri (1956, pp. 37-41) and, more re-
cently, by lorriti (1977, p. 240) — in opposition to
J. Pope-Hennessy (1956, pp. 364, 369) — with a
work in the Costa Collection in Genoa; above
this was an Annunciate Virgin (in the Yale Univer-
sity Art Gallery) . lb the right stood a Saint Thomas
Aquinas (also presumed lost) surmounted by an
Angel Annunciate (in the Museo Civico in Massa
Marittima) . On the pilasters were standing figures
of Saints Jerome, Gregory, Ansanus, Victor,
Ambrose, Augustine, Sabinus, and Crescentius
(now in the Siena Pinacoteca). On the pinna-

cles were busts of the Prophets Elijah and Elisha
(in the Pinacoteca in Siena) , among others. The
predella had as its central panel the Last Supper
(also in Siena) . At the left were the Saint Thomas
Aquinas in Prayer (in the Szepmuveszeti
Muzeum in Budapest), The Vision of Saint Thomas
(in the Vatican), and The Miracle of the Holy Sac-
rament (in the Bowes Museum at Barnard
Castle) . On the right were Saint Anthony Beaten
by the Devils (in the Siena Pinacoteca), The Burn-
ing of a Heretic with the Elevation of the Host (in
the National Gallery of Victoria in Melbourne),
and another panel (also lost). The triptych was
one of the most beautiful and important Sienese
works of the fifteenth century. Despite the Gothic
frame, which was probably the wish of the pa-
trons, certain aspects of the work are typical of
a fully Renaissance conception: the naturalistic
observation in the definition of the figures; the
perspectival construction of architectural spaces,
which are no longer Gothic; and the depth of
the landscape backgrounds. Furthermore, the
triptych is the first documented work by Sassetta,
who signed it with self-conscious pride: hic

OPVS OMNE. PATRES. STEPHANVS CONSTRVXIT AD ARAS
SENENSIS JOHANNIS. AGENS CITRA LAPSVS ADVLTOS

(following Pope-Hennessy's reading [1939, p.
39, n. 9], "Behold, Fathers [of the Guild], Stefano
di Giovanni built this whole altarpiece for the
altars of Siena without regard to the mistakes of
the elders").

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. M. Carapelli, Notizie delle chiese e cose
riguardevoli di Siena, 1718, Biblioteca Comunale di Siena,
Ms. B VII 10, f. 30; G. Carlr, Notizie di Belle Arti, c. 1768,
Biblioteca Comunale di Siena, Ms. C VII 20, ff. 81-82; P
D'Achiardi,G«Wa della Pinacoteca Vaticana, III, Rome, 1913,
pp. 78-79, no. 176; J. Pope-Hennessy, Sassetta, London,
1939, pp. 6-16, 39, n. 9; idem, "Rethinking Sassetta," in
The Burlington Magazine, XCVIII, 1956, pp. 364-70; F.Zeri,
"Towards a Reconstruction of Sassetta's Arte della Lana
Triptych," in The Burlington Magazine, XCVIII, 1956, pp.
36-41; E. Carli, Sassetta e il Maestro dell'Osservanza, Milan,
1957, pp. 7-13; C. Volpe, "Sassetta e il Maestro dell'Osser-
vanza," in Arte Antica e Modema, I, 1958, pp. 83-86; E.
Borsook, Ambrogio Lorenzetti, Florence, 1966, p. 37; F. Zeri,
"Ricerche sul Sassetta: La Pala dell'Arte della Lana
(1423-1426)," in Quademi di Emblema, II, 1973, pp. 22-34;
P Torriti, La Pinacoteca Nazionale di Siena, i dipinti dal XII
alXVsecolo, Genoa, 1977, pp. 115, 240.

139

72 A

GENTILE DA FABRIANO (Fabriano

c. 1370-Rome 1427)
A, B. PREDELLA PANELS FROM THE
QUARATESI ALTARPIECE

The Quaratesi Altarpiece, which Vasari consid-
ered Gentile da Fabriano's finest painting, is one
of the latest works of the Marchigian master. It
was, in fact, painted two years before the art-
ist moved to Rome (1427), where he died be-
tween August 2 and October 14 of 1427. The
polyptych was commissioned from Gentile by
the Quaratesi family for the principal altar of the
church of San Nicolo sopr'Arno in Florence and
was completed in May 1425 as the lost inscrip-
tion indicated: opvs gentilis de fabriano
mccccxxv mensis maii (cf. S. Roselli, Sepoltuario
Fiorentino, 1657, 1, f. 193 r., Biblioteca Nazionale,
Florence, Ms. II— IV, 534; and Richa, Notizie delle

chiese fiorentine, Florence, 1762, X, p. 270). In
1830, the polyptych was dismembered; the vari-
ous panels are now divided among London;
Florence; Washington, D.C.; and the Vatican (on
the history of the altarpiece, see K. Christiansen,
1982, pp. 43, 104-5). The central panel, the
Madonna and Child with Angels, was in the col-
lection of Warner Young Ottley in 1835, from
which it passed into the British royal collection
in 1846; it is now on loan to the National Gal-
lery in London. The lateral panels — Saint Mary
Magdalene, Saint Nicholas of Bari, Saint John the
Baptist, and Saint George — were donated to the
Ufrizi in 1879 by the Quaratesi family. One of
the predella panels, representing Cripples and Pil-
grims at the Tomb of Saint Nicholas, was acquired
by Tommaso Puccini of Pistoia; it is now in The
Samuel H. Kress Collection, National Gallery of
Art, Washington, D.C. The picture was published
independently by R. Longhi (p. 190) and W
Suida (p. 351) in 1940. The four other predella
panels entered the Vatican Library in the nine-
teenth century, perhaps during Monsignor
Gabriele Laureani's tenure as prefect (1838-49);
they were transferred to the Pinacoteca in 1909.

The subjects of these works are The Birth of Saint
Nicholas, Saint Nicholas Gives Three Balls of Gold to
Three Poor Maidens, Saint Nicholas Revives Three
Youths, and Saint Nicholas Saves a Storm-Tossed
Ship. Siren (1906, p. 334) associated these panels
with the predella of the Quaratesi Altarpiece, but
the attribution to Gentile at first was questioned.
As Grassi (1953, p. 63) indicated, this doubt was
due, in large part, to the condition of the panels.
Until 1972, the four predella panels in the Vati-
can remained heavily overpainted, with losses
reconstructed in a rather arbitrary fashion. Con-
servation treatment in 1973 brought to light dam-
ages caused by the removal of the original frame
and by an irresponsible cleaning, presumably
with soda and abrasive compounds. However,
the treatment also revealed the extraordinary
quality of the predella, which had prompted
Vasari (1568; Milanesi ed., 1878, III, p. 7) to
say that "there can be nothing more beautiful."
As has been widely noted, in this work Gentile's
fundamentally Gothic taste was adapted to the
style then current in Florence. A broader han-
dling of the paint replaced the meticulous and
precise technique — Lombard in origin — that is

140

still perceptible, if only as a decorative element,
in the dress of the poor maiden standing in the
scene of the gift of the three gold balls. Further-
more, the figures acquired greater solidity and a
more monumental conception, as did the en-
tire compositional structure of the scenes. What
remained Gothic were Gentile' s extremely refined
sense of color, the delicate play of shadows, and
the imaginative and fanciful spirit with which
he illustrates the story of the saint.

72 A. SAINT NICHOLAS GIVES THREE
BALLS OF GOLD TO THREE POOR
MAIDENS

1425

Tempera on panel (poplar)

Height, 14 Vs" (36.5 cm); width, 14Vs" (36.5 cm)

Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 248

This work was restored in 1973 using strictly
conservative techniques. The panel, whose orig-
inal dimensions had been reduced, has several
lacunae in the upper part that correspond with
the contour of the original Gothic frame. It is
presumed that the panel was originally on the

left side of the predella (cf. L. Grassi, 1953, p. 62).
Gentile records an episode from the youth of
Saint Nicholas: he gave three gold balls that he
made to three poor maidens so that their father
would not be forced to sell them into prostitution.
The story, one of the most famous in the life of
the saint, is recorded in The Golden Legend of
Jacobus de Voragine and is referred to by Dante
in the Purgatorio (XX, 31-33) when Ugo Capeto
speaks of "the bounty which Nicholas showed
to the maidens to guide their youth to honor."

72 B. SAINT NICHOLAS SAVES A
STORM-TOSSED SHIP

1425

Tempera on panel (poplar)

Height, 11 >Vi 6 " (30 cm); width, 24 7 /u" (62 cm)

Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 249

This panel was also restored in 1973 using strictly
conservative techniques; it no longer retains its
original dimensions, and the lacunae along the
top of the panel follow the pattern of the mold-
ing of the original Gothic frame. This work was
the central panel of the predella and represents

the saving of a ship in a tempest — one of the
most celebrated posthumous miracles of Saint
Nicholas, the patron saint of sailors. The clean-
ing of the picture brought to light the curvature
of the horizon, which accentuates the fantastic
character of the scene and accords well with the
panel's central location.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Vasari, he Vite de' piu eccellenti pittori,
scultori ed architettori, 1568, Milanesi ed., Florence, 1878,
III, pp. 6-7; L. Cust, "The Quaratesi Altarpiece by Gen-
tile da Fabriano," in The Burlington Magazine, VI, 1905,
p. 470; O. Siren, "Notizie critiche sui quadri sconosciuti
nel Museo Cristiano Vaticano," in L'Arte, IX, 1906,
pp. 332-34; R. Longhi, "Fatti di Masolino e di
Masaccio," in La Critica d'Arte, V, 1940, pp. 190-91;
W. Suida, "Two Unpublished Paintings by Gentile da
Fabriano," in The Art Quarterly, III, 1940, pp. 348-52;
L Grassi, "Considerazioni intorno al Polittico Quaratesi,"
in Paragone, II, no. 15, 1951, pp. 23-29; idem, Tutta la
pittura di Gentile da Fabriano, Milan, 1953, pp. 33-42,
61 -64; E. Micheletti, L opera completa di Gentile da Fabriano,
Milan, 1976, pp. 90-91, nos. 37, 38; K. Christiansen, Gentile
da Fabriano, Ithaca, 1982, pp. 43-48, 102-5, no. XIV.

141

MASOLINO DA PANICALE (TOMMASO
DI CRISTOFORO FINI), Panicale c. 1383-
? after 1435

THE BURIAL OF THE VIRGIN

1428

Tempera on panel (poplar)

Height, 7W (19.7 cm); width, 19 Vie" (48.4 cm)

Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 245

This panel was restored in 1982 using conserva-
tive techniques. The figures are quite abraded
due to an old overcleaning that exposed, at sev-
eral points, the green underpainting of the faces
and, in places, the preparatory design of the
costumes — executed with the end of a paint-
brush on the gesso priming. A sizable loss af-
fects the chest of the apostle farthest to the left.
The panel, which was part of the predella of an
altarpiece, retains its original height, as can be
seen by the gilded borders and the raised edges
at top and bottom; it has been cut down (prob-
ably only slightly) at the sides. Its thickness, 1.07
centimeters, appears to be original.

The Burial of the Virgin, a theme not treated in
the Gospels, is infrequently represented. Usually
the Madonna is shown being lowered into the
tomb by angels, but here the apostles, grouped
about the sarcophagus, perform the deed. At the

sides, two pairs of angels, each holding a can-
dle in a tall candlestick, frame the scene. At the
center, Christ holds in his left arm the soul of
the Virgin, represented as a baby in swaddling
clothes, and extends his right hand — in which
he holds a palm, symbolic of the promised
paradise — toward the corpse of the Virgin. The
figures of Christ holding the soul of Mary and
Saint Peter reading a book are not usually found
in representations of the Burial of the Virgin,
but rather in scenes of her death. A. Schmarsow
(1895, III, pp. 85 ff.) published the panel as a
work by Masaccio, but Siren (1906, p. 332) sub-
sequently proposed the name of Masolino, an
attribution that has been maintained since.
Schmarsow also suggested that this panel, to-
gether with the small Crucifixion also in the Vati-
can (Inv. no. 260), was part of an altarpiece
described by Vasari as a work by Masaccio (1568;
Milanesi ed., 1878, II, pp. 293-94) : "... in the
church of Santa Maria Maggiore [in Rome], in
a small chapel near the sacristy; in which there
are four saints so well carried out that they ap-
pear to be in relief; and the Virgin of the Snows
in the middle; and the portrait from life of Pope
Martin who with a spade marks the foundations
of that church; and beside him is the Emperor
Sigismund II. " U. Procacci (cf. M. Davies, 1961,
p. 355) identified the chapel described by Vasari
as the one at the extreme east end of the church,
between the choir and the north aisle — the chap-
el of the Colonna family dedicated to Saint John
the Baptist. The altarpiece comprised The As-

142

sumption and The Miracle of the Snow (in the
Museo di Capodimonte in Naples), the two pan-
els in the Johnson Collection in Philadelphia
representing Saints Martin and John the Evan-
gelist (?) and Saints Peter and Paul, and the two
in the National Gallery in London of Saints
Liberius(?) and Matthias and Saints Jerome and
John the Baptist. These panels almost certainly
formed a triptych, painted on both sides (M.
Davies, 1961, pp. 353-54). Masaccio's partici-
pation and the date of the work have been much
discussed. Nevertheless, it is generally agreed that
the altarpiece was executed by Masolino in 1428
(the other suggested dates are 1423 and 1425)
and that Masaccio was responsible only for the
Saints Jerome and John the Baptist in the Nation-
al Gallery. It is not clear whether the Vatican
panels representing The Burial of the Virgin and
The Crucifixion belonged to the altarpiece. This
hypothesis was maintained by Pope-Hennessy
(1943, pp. 30-31), rejected by M. Salmi (1948,
p. 222), and considered as possible by Davies
(1961, p. 355). In any case, the provenance of
the two Vatican panels is entirely different from
that of the other pictures; in 1653, the works
now in Naples, London, and Philadelphia were
in the Palazzo Farnese in Rome and all of them
were marked with the Farnese seal, which does
not appear on the paintings in the Vatican. Pope-
Hennessy (1943, pp. 30-31) published a small
panel of The Marriage of the Virgin that is particu-
larly close to The Burial of the Virgin; this work,
which was destroyed during World War II, was

almost identical in size to the Burial and surely
was part of the same altarpiece. The Masaccesque
elements that characterize the figures in the Vati-
can panel appear there: the monumentality of
the figures, despite their small size, and the
simplified rendering of the drapery. The prepara-
tory drawing can be seen in the overcleaned
areas, and there is an important pentimento in
the arrangement of the hands of the apostle who
holds the head of the Virgin — originally, they
were joined.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Vasari, he Vite, 1568, Milanesi ed.,
Florence, 1878, II, pp. 293-94; A. Schmarsow, Masaccio-
Studien, III, Kassel, 1895, pp. 85 ff.; O. Siren, "Notizie
critiche sui quadri sconosciuti nel Museo Cristiano
Vaticano," in L'Arte, IX, 1906, p. 332; E Toesca, Masolino
da Panicale, Bergamo, 1908, pp. 69-70, n. 2; R. Longhi,
"Fatti di Masolino e di Masaccio," in La Critica d'Arte, V,
1940, pp. 145-90; J. Pope-Hennessy, "A Predella Panel
by Masolino," in The Burlington Magazine, LXXXII, 1943,
pp. 30-31; M. Salmi, Masaccio, Milan, 1948, p. 222; K.
Clark, "An Early Quattrocento Triptych from Santa Maria
Maggiore, Rome," in The Burlington Magazine, XCIII, 1951,
pp. 339-47; J. Pope-Hennessy, "The Santa Maria Mag-
giore Altarpiece," in The Burlington Magazine, XCIV, 1952,
pp. 31-32; M. Salmi, "Gli scomparti della pala di Santa
Maria Maggiore acquistati dalla National Gallery," in
Commentari, III, 1952, pp. 14-21; U. Procacci, "Sulla
cronologia delle opere di Masaccio e di Masolino tra il
1425 e il 1428," in Rivista d'Arte, XXVIII, 1953, pp. 3-55;
M. Davies, The Earlier Italian Schools. National Gallery
Catalogues, London, 2nd ed., 1961, pp. 352-61; L. Berti,
L'opera completa di Masaccio, Milan, 1968, pp. 100-101.

143

SANO DI PIETRO (Siena 1406-1481)

A,B. PREDELLA PANELS WITH
SCENES OF THE INFANCY
OF CHRIST

These two works representing the Nativity and
the Flight into Egypt came from the Vatican Li-
brary and were first exhibited in the Pinacoteca
in 1909. The provenance of the panels is un-
known, but it has been suggested that, together
with at least two others — The Adoration of the

Magi and The Massacre of the Innocents (both in
The Metropolitan Museum of Art) — they once
formed the predella of a large lost altarpiece.
The attribution to Sano di Pietro, proposed by
D'Achiardi (HI, 1913, p. 83), is generally accept-
ed, as is a dating between 1445 and 1450 — before
the qualitative decline in the artist's work occa-
sioned by the level of commercial activity in his
shop. In favor of a dating toward 1445 are the
refined execution of the figures, which have not
yet become rigidly stylized; the dream-like lyri-
cism of the landscape in The Flight into Egypt, a
worthy example of the Gothic tradition; and the
soft spraying of paint in the rendering of the
cobbled paths, which, in later paintings, would
be effected with short brushstrokes (cf. C. Brandi,
Quattrocentisti Senesi, Milan, 1949, p. 80, no. 57).
The trees are typologically derived from those

in the predella of Sano's Osservanza Altarpiece
of 1436 (Siena, Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 216) and
particularly recall those in the Saint Jerome in
the Desert (Siena, Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 265); the
physiognomic types of Joseph and Jerome also
may be compared. The group of shepherds in
The Nativity anticipates the analogous render-
ing in Sano's Annunciation to the Shepherds ( Siena,
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 262), which E. Sandberg
Vavala (cf. Sienese Studies, Florence, 1953, p. 271)
dates between 1445 and 1450, and P. Torriti (cf.
La Pinacoteca Nazionale di Siena, i dipinti dalXII
alXVsecolo, Genoa, 1977, p. 276) places after
1450. It should also be pointed out, however,
that a later dating of the four panels divided
between the Vatican Pinacoteca and the Metro-
politan Museum has been proposed (F. Zeri and
E. E. Gardner, 1980, p. 82).

144

74 B

74 A. THE NATIVITY

c. 1445

Tempera on panel

Height, 12 W (31.5 cm); width, 17 3 A" (45 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 144

The panel, which was restored in 1977, is in
generally good condition, with a few small loss-
es (near the bottom and in the background)
inpainted with vertical hatching. The source is
the Gospel of Saint Luke (2:6-14), which, with
that of Matthew, records the Infancy of Christ.
Joseph and Mary appear within a shed, kneel-
ing in adoration before the Child, who is warmed
by the breath of a pair of oxen; above is God
the Father in glory, flanked by angels. The Vir-
gin wears a white dress, symbolic of her purity,

while the dove descends toward the Christ Child,
thus aligning the Trinitarian group of Father,
Son, and Holy Spirit. In the background at the
left is the Annunciation to the Shepherds.

74 B. THE FLIGHT INTO EGYPT

c. 1445

Tempera on panel

Height, 12 W (31.5 cm); width, 18 W* (47 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 145

Despite a scratch and some small losses (in-
painted with vertical hatching), this panel,
which was cleaned and restored in 1976, is in
good condition. The Flight into Egypt, described
in the Gospel of Matthew (2:13-15), is set in a

hilly countryside with the figures all proceeding
to the right. Joseph is at the rear of the group
and prods the donkey on which the Madonna
and Child sit; an unusual addition is the figure
of a servant, who pulls the animal along by the
reins and looks back (as does the Virgin) to the
road already traveled. A pentimento is visible in
one of the donkey's hind legs.

F.M.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. D'Achiardi, Guida della Pinacoteca
Vaticana, HI, Rome, 1913, p. 83, nos. 183-184; B. Berenson,
Italian Pictures of the Renaissance. Central Italian and North
Italian Schools, London, 1968, p. 378; F. Zeri and E.E.
Gardner, Italian Paintings: Sienese and Central Italian Schools,
New York, 1980, p. 82.

145

75 A

FRA ANGELICO (GUIDO DI PIERO),

Florence c. 1400-Rome 1455
A,B. PREDELLA PANELS FROM THE
PERUGIA TRIPTYCH

1437

The Perugia Triptych was painted by Fra An-
gelico in 1437 for the chapel of Saint Nicholas
in the church of San Domenico in Perugia; it
was, perhaps, commissioned under the terms
of the will of a former patron, the bishop, Bene-
detto Guidalotti (died 1429). The date of the
picture is known from Bottonio's Annali, which
survives in manuscript in the Biblioteca Comu-
nale in Perugia (Ms. ii, c. 72; published by
W. Bombe, 1912, p. 77). At some time before
1706, the triptych was transferred from the
chapel to the Sacristy of the church, where it
remained until 1797. In that year, following the
terms of the Treaty of Tolentino, the entire altar-
piece was sent to the Louvre in Paris; at the
time of their restitution, in 1817, these two pan-
els were placed on exhibit in the new Vatican
Pinacoteca of Pius VII (cf. G. and A. D'Este, 1821,
pp. 15-16, 33). After the predella was taken
apart, the main panels of the triptych were
moved to the chapel of Saint Ursula, also in
San Domenico, while the remaining predella
panel was hung above the door of the Sacristy.
In 1863, all the parts left in Perugia were trans-

ferred to the Galleria Nazionale deH'Umbria,
where they are today. The triptych was tem-
porarily reassembled in 1955, on the occasion
of the large exhibition commemorating the five-
hundredth anniversary of Fra Angelico's death.
At the center was the Madonna and Child with
Angels, flanked by two panels with two saints
each; on the left were Saints Dominic and Nicho-
las and on the right Saints John the Baptist and
Catherine of Alexandria. On each of the adjacent
pilasters were three pairs of saints in successive
ranks. Two tondi representing The Annunciatory
Angel and The Virgin Annunciate were above the
lateral panels; below were the three predella pan-
els recording scenes from the life of Saint
Nicholas, the patron saint of the chapel. Most
of the triptych is generally thought to be
autograph; however, Pope- Hennessy (1974, pp.
17, 199) has suggested that the panel at the right
is by an assistant who worked from Angelico's
cartoon and that the predella also may evidence
some collaboration. W. Weisbach (1901, p. 38)
and L. Collobi-Ragghianti (1955, p. 39), in par-
ticular, have proposed that the two panels in
the Vatican are by Pesellino — a suggestion refut-
ed in more recent criticism.

The Perugia Triptych is one of the most im-
portant of Angelico's works and anticipates the
full maturity of the San Marco Altarpiece. In
their monumentality, the figures are totally Ren-

146

aissance in conception, and the single light
source from the left constitutes a rational ele-
ment that serves to unify the whole. To these
qualities is added a gem-like, crystalline color —
in part taken up by Domenico Veneziano — that
transfigures the scenes and imparts to them an
unreal, otherworldly dimension. Some years after
the execution of the Perugia Triptych, Angelico
was called to Rome by either Eugene IV or
Nicholas V; there, he worked in Saint Peter's and
in the Vatican palaces and frescoed the chapel
of Nicholas V (in the papal palace), one of the
finest examples of his art.

75 A. THE BIRTH OF SAINT NICHOLAS,
HIS VOCATION, AND THE GIFT TO
THE THREE MAIDENS

1437

Tempera on panel (poplar)

Height, 13" (33 cm); width, 24 'Vie" (63 cm)

Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 251

This panel was restored in 1955 on the occa-
sion of the exhibition commemorating the five-
hundredth anniversary of Fra Angelico's death.
There are some small paint losses, which have
been integrated; the altered color, visible along
the bottom and sides of the panel, is a product
of the restoration. This work was at the left of the
predella of the Perugia Triptych. The three epi-
sodes from the youth of the saint are all set in a
cityscape open at the center but flanked by two

projecting structures that give depth to the
composition. The first scene documents the ex-
traordinary precociousness of the saint, who,
just after his birth, stood by himself when he
was bathed in a basin. In the center is the call-
ing of the young Saint Nicholas, who is seen
listening to the bishop. At the right is the most
famous episode from the saint's life — a subject
also painted by Gentile da Fabriano (see cat.
no. 72 A) — Nicholas's surreptitious gift of a
dowry to three impoverished maidens whose
father, fallen into misery, would have been forced
to sell them into prostitution.

75 B. THE MEETING OF SAINT

NICHOLAS WITH THE EMPEROR'S
MESSENGER AND THE
MIRACULOUS RESCUE OF A SHIP

1437

Tempera on panel (poplar)

Height, 13" (33 cm); width, 24 'Vie" (63 cm)

Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 252

This panel also was restored on the occasion
of the Fra Angelico exhibition in 1955. There
are a number of small losses, which have been
integrated; the band of varying color along the
bottom of the painting is a result of restoration,
and the eyes of some of the figures, which were
damaged by a vandal long ago, also have been
restored. This panel was at the center of the
predella. The scene is a seascape of great depth

accentuated by the diagonal placement of the
figures; a second diagonal is formed by the rocks
that separate the two episodes and underscore,
with their abstract forms, the fabulous charac-
ter of the tale. The pebbles on the beach are not
painted with the end of the brush but, rather,
are rendered by sprinkling the paint — a tech-
nique used by Gentile da Fabriano, which also
reappears in Siena in the work of Sassetta, of
the so-called Osservanza Master, and in that of
the young Sano di Pietro. The two episodes por-
trayed are posthumous miracles of Saint Nicho-
las. At the left, Saint Nicholas appears to an im-
perial messenger (recognizable by his pointed
hat). Through the intervention of the saint, a
shipment of grain was delivered to the city of
Myra, saving the people from famine. At the
right, Saint Nicholas, the protector of sailors, ma-
terializes to rescue a ship from the stormy sea ( see
cat. no. 72 B).

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. and A. D'Este, Elenco degli oggetti
esistenti net Museo Vaticano, Rome, 1821, pp. 15-16, 33;
W Weisbach, Pesellino und die Romantik der Renaissance,
Berlin, 1901, p. 38; W. Bombe, "Geschichte der Peruginer
Malerei bis zu Perugino und Pinturicchio," in Italienische
Forschungen, herausg. vom Kunsthistorischen Institut in Florenz,
V, 1912, pp. 77-79; J. Pope-Hennessy, Fra Angelico, London,
1952, pp. 9-10, 170-72; L. Collobi-Ragghianti, "Studi
angelichiani," in Critica d'Arte, IX, 1955, p. 39; E. Francia,
Tesoridella Pinacoteca Vaticana, Milan, 1964, p. 43; U. Baldini,
L'opera completa dell Angelico, Milan, 1970, p. 99, nos. 57 F,
G; J. Pope-Hennessy, Fra Angelico, 2nd ed., Ithaca, 1974,
pp. 17-18, 198-99.

147

76 B

148

MELOZZO DA FORLI (MELOZZO DEGLI

AMBROGI), Forli 1438-1494
A,B. MUSIC-MAKING ANGELS

These two fresco fragments of music-making
angels were part of The Ascension of Christ, the
apse decoration of the Basilica dei Santi Apostoli
painted by Melozzo shortly after the renovation
of the church ordered about 1475 by Cardinal
Giuliano della Rovere (nephew of Sixtus IV),
the future Julius II (cf. E. Muntz, Les Arts a la
courdes popes, Paris, 1882, HI, p. 154). According
to Vasari (1568; Milanesi ed., 1878, III, p. 52),
the patron "by whom he [Melozzo] was richly
rewarded" was Cardinal Riario, another nephew
of Sixtus IV. Scholars generally date this work
about 1480, soon after the fresco Sixtus IV Nomi-
nates Platina Prefect of the Vatican Library (now in
the Pinacoteca) and the other documented works
(since lost) for the Library of Sixtus IV. Vasari
speaks with much admiration of the 'Ascension
of Jesus Christ, in the midst of a choir of angels
who are leading him up to Heaven, wherein the
figure of Christ is so well foreshortened that it
seems to be piercing the ceiling, and the same is
true of the angels, who are circling with various
movements through the spacious sky. The Apos-
des, likewise, who are on the earth below, are so
well foreshortened in their various attitudes that
the work brought him much praise, as it still
does, from the craftsmen, who have leamt much
from his labours. " This is the only document of
the appearance of the work before it was de-
tached from the wall. C. Ricci (1911, p. 8) be-
lieved that the entire fresco was reproduced in
the background of another fresco representing
Sixtus V Proclaiming Saint Bonaventure a Doctor of
the Church in the Basilica of the Santi Apostoli (now
in the Vatican Library), but this hypothesis was
rightiy rejected by A. Venturi (1913, VII, 2, p. 24,
n. 1) and M. Salmi (1938, p. 236, n. 7). A re-
construction proposed by B. Biagetti, which is
exhibited with the surviving fragments in the
Pinacoteca, also appears hypothetical in some
details. The Ascension remained in situ until 171 1,
when, under Clement XI, the apse was destroyed
in order to enlarge the tribune. The surviving
fragments were detached and restored by Giu-
seppe Chiari. The largest part, Christ Ascending
to Heaven Surrounded by Seraphim and Cherubim,
was sent to the Palazzo del Quirinale, while the
heads of apostles and angels were given to the
Vatican, through the intervention of the Ora-
torian Father Sebastiano Resta and Agostino Taja;
these fragments were installed in the hemicycle
of the Belvedere apartment, in the area current-
ly occupied by the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco
(A. Taja, 1750, pp. 360-61). Later in the
eighteenth century, the Vatican fragments were
moved to one of the octagonal rooms in the
dome of Saint Peter's (E. Pistolesi, 1829, II, p.
177) ; after a restoration by Camuccini, they were
transferred to the Sala Capitolare, or Chapter
room, of the Sacristy. In 1932, Pius XI had them
placed in the renovated Pinacoteca, thus unit-
ingthemwhhMelozzo's Sixtus IV Nominates Plati-
na Prefect of the Vatican Library, which had been
moved to the Pinacoteca during the reign of Leo

76 A

XII (1823-29). The Santi Apostoli fresco is a
major work by Melozzo, a founder of the
Accademia di San Luca who signed its char-
ter in 1478 "Melotius Pi[ctor] pa[palis]" or
"pa[latii]." It testifies to his full maturity and
absolute mastery of perspective. The solemn,
monumental figures are akin to the warriors by
Bramante in the Casa Panigarola (now in the
Pinacoteca di Brera in Milan). This fresco should
be compared also with the decorations by
Mantegna in the Camera degli Sposi in Mantua,
which Melozzo might have known. Given the
dimensions of the apse, Melozzo surely relied
on workshop assistance. Although different
hands are evident in the individual fragments,
the unity of the whole was not sacrificed.

76 A. MUSIC-MAKING ANGEL

c. 1480
Fresco

Height, 44 W (113 cm); width, 35 'Vie" (91 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 269-D

This work was restored in 1982 using conserv-

ative techniques and is in fairly good condition,
except for those losses and abrasions daring from
the time when the fresco was detached from the
wall. Previously, the halo had been regilded, and
only traces of the original gilding remain. The an-
gel, looking upward, plays a stringed instrument,
apparently a vielle. This fragment probably was
part of the median band of the apse and, given
the position of the body, was most likely to the
viewer's left. The artist transferred the cartoon
using pouncing and chalk dust for the head and
hands, and incising for the wings and clothing.
The blue sky is lapis lazuli.

76 B. MUSIC-MAKING ANGEL

c. 1480
Fresco

Height, 39 V 4 " (101 cm); width, 27 W (70 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 269-0

This fragment was restored in 1982 using con-
servative techniques and is in a fairly good state;
the losses date from the time when the fresco was

149

detached from the wall. The right eye of the
angel is now inpainted with vertical hatching.
Previously, the halo was heavily regilded; of the
original gold, only traces remain. Early retouch-
ing, which was done with great care, may have
been the work of Camuccini.

The angel looking out at the viewer is playing
a lute. In Biagetti's reconstruction, this fragment
was in the middle band of the apse, more or
less at the center, as the position of the body is
slightly turned to the observer's left. The red
drapery and ribbons visible above belong to the
Angel Playing a Fife and Drum (Inv. no. 269-F).
The cartoon was transferred using pouncing and
charcoal dust for the hands and head — traces
of which remain on the lips and eyes — and in-
cising for the wings and clothing. The blue in
the sky and blouse is lapis lazuli. p ^

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Vasari, Le Vite, 1568, Milanesi ed.,
Florence, 1878, III, pp. 51-52, 64; A. Taja, Descrizione
del Palazzo Apostolico Vaticano, Rome, 1750, pp. 360-61;
E. Pistolesi, // Vaticano descritto ed illustrate da Erasmo
Pistolesi, Rome, 1829, II, pp. 176-77; C. Ricci, Melozzo
da Forli, Rome, 1911, p. 8; A. Venturi, Storia dell' Arte
Italiana, Milan, 1913, VII, 2, pp. 24-37; A. Tulli, "La
Saia di Melozzo nella nuova Pinacoteca Vaticana," in
Llllustrazione Vaticana, III, 1932, pp. 5-6; M. Salmi,
"Melozzo e i suoi rapporti con la pittura toscana e
umbra," in Melozzo da Forli, XVI, 1938, pp. 235-36;
A. Schiavo, "Melozzo a Roma," in Presenza Romagnola,
1977, pp. 89-110.

PERUGINO (PIETRO DI CRISTOFORO
VANNUCCI), Citta della Pieve 1450/52-
Fontignano 1523

A-C. THREE PANELS FROM THE
SAINT PETER ALTARPIECE

1495-98

These three panels were part of an altarpiece
painted for the high altar of the church of San
Pietro in Perugia; the work was commissioned
from Perugino by the Benedictine monks of the
adjoining monastery on March 8, 1495 (the
documents were reviewed by F. Canuti in 1931).
The frame and the panels on which the painter
worked had been ordered from the Veronese arti-
san Giovanni di Domenico on August 26, 1493.
Perugino's contract stipulated that within two
years he would execute the central panel repre-
senting the Ascension with the twelve apostles,
the Virgin, and angels; the lunette above, with
God the Father in a glory of angels; and the
predella "ornatam ad voluntatem domini abbatis
pro tempore existentis. " Excluded from this
agreement was what the document referred to
as the "capsa quae circundat dictam tabulam"
and the "ornamenta posita in summitate dictae
capsae. " What the "capsa" was is not altogether
clear, and the reconstruction proposed by W.
Bombe (1914, pp. 49, 238) and, in large part,
accepted by F. Canuti (1931, 1, p. Ill, n. 1) and
E. Camesasca (1959, pp. 71-73; 1969, pp. 97-
98), among others, does not seem absolutely
convincing. In any case, on November 24, 1496,
Perugino signed a new contract to paint and
decorate the "capsa," which was to include cer-
tain figures of the prophets. The documents are
contradictory: according to the contemporary

humanist Maturanzio (F. Canuti, 1931, 1, p. 113),
the altarpiece was painted in 1496; in May 1498,
the work is referred to as if completed ("de' avere
di resto della penctura della ancona et chassa
che depinse"; F. Canuti, 1931, II, p. 180); but
the consecration did not take place until Janu-
ary 13, 1500. The altar was dedicated to Saints
Peter and Paul, who are represented in the prin-
cipal panel, and was also intended to house the
relics of Saint Catherine and the body of Saint
Peter Abbot.

In the seventeenth century, Perugino's altar-
piece was moved to the choir and, at that time,
probably taken apart (C. Crispolti, 1648, p. 91).
In 1751, the Ascension was installed in the chap-
el of the Holy Sacrament, the lunette of God the
Father in Glory was placed between the doors
leading to the monastery and the Sacristy, and
the figures of prophets were hung beside the
entrance to the church. The documents also in-
clude a description of the predella, which was
made up of five panels: The Adoration of the
Magi, The Baptism of Christ, The Resurrection,
and two panels of the patron saints of Perugia,
Constantius and Herculanus. In addition, around
the bases of the two columns that flanked the
Ascension were panels of six Benedictine saints:
Saint Benedict himself; his sister Saint Scholastica;
his disciples Saint Mourns and Saint Placidus; Saint
Flavia, the virgin martyr and sister of Placidus;
and Saint Peter Abbot, the founder and first abbot
of the church.

Following the Treaty of Tolentino in 1797, Na-
poleon had most of the panels brought to France,
leaving in Perugia only the ones representing
Saints Herculanus, Constantius, Maurus, Peter
Abbot, and Scholastica; all remain there, except
the Saint Scholastica, which was stolen in 1916
and never recovered. The Ascension and God the
Father in Glory are in the Musee des Beaux-
Arts in Lyons, where they were taken in 1811;
the tondi of the Prophets Jeremiah and Isaiah
are in the Musee des Beaux- Arts in Nantes (since
1809); and the three scenes from the predella are
in the Musee des Beaux- Arts in Rouen, where
they were sent in 1803. The panels representing
Saints Benedict, Placidus, and Flavia were re-
turned to Italy in 1815, and Pius VII had them
placed in the collection of masterpieces in the
new Vatican Pinacoteca (G. and A. D'Este, 1821,
p. 35).

Vasari (1568; Milanesi ed., 1878, III, p. 588)
judged the Saint Peter Altarpiece "the best of
Perugino's oil paintings in Perugia," and L.
Scaramuccia (1674, p. 85) said that the predella
panels were painted "with the finest exquisite-
ness and diligence that Pietro knew to employ. "
The altarpiece is now generally considered to
be completely autograph, with the possible ex-
ception of the predella panels with scenes from
the life of Christ. It is among the most "Raphael -
esque" of Perugino's works, so much so that
Venturi (1913, VII, 2, pp. 816-24) attributed to
the young Raphael the design of the two prophet
tondi in Nantes. This hypothesis is no longer
accepted, but Raphael must have studied such
paintings in his most Peruginesque phase, and
later he seems to have employed some typologi-
cal elements from the Saint Peter Altarpiece — for
example, the foreshortened head of Perugino's
Saint Flavia must have influenced Raphael's
Saint Thomas in the Coronation of the Virgin (the
Oddi Altarpiece).

77 A. SAINT BENEDICT

1495-98

Oil on panel (poplar)

Height, 12 V 2 " (31.8 cm); width, 9 'A" (23.6 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 319

Of the three Perugino panels in the Vatican, this
work, restored in 1981 using conservative tech-
niques, has suffered the most damage. In a res-
toration carried out sometime before 1797, the
backgrounds of all the panels were repainted
blue, thereby covering balusters that had pre-
viously been visible behind the figures of the
saints. The two comparable panels in Perugia
are still in this state. The blue was removed from
the Vatican panels probably during a nineteenth-
century restoration; this restoration presumably
made use of soda and abrasive compounds that
damaged the original color and revealed in some
areas the dark- gray preparation of the azurite
underpainting and even the gesso priming. These
damages, which, in general, are limited to the
background, have recently been inpainted in a
slightly different color. In the Saint Benedict panel,
the saint's face, as well, is slightly abraded. Be-
sides this, the panel no longer retains its original
dimensions, having been cut most obviously on
the left and right sides. Saint Benedict was the
founder of the order to which the monks who
commissioned the altarpiece belonged. He wears
the usual Benedictine habit, and he holds the
book of the Benedictine Rule and the bunch of
twigs with which he punished a rebel monk.

77 B. SAINT FLAVIA

1495-98

Oil on panel (poplar)

Height, 11 % " (30.1 cm); width, 10 % 6 " (26.8 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 320

The treatment of this panel, which was restored
in 1981, was similar to that described in the cata-
logue entry for the Saint Benedict. Here, however,
the damage is limited exclusively to the back-
ground; the figure is in almost perfect condition
and manifests such a high quality of execution
that an attribution to Perugino himself is assured.
Typical of the master's hand are the calligraphic
details with which individual elements are ren-
dered and the sophisticated chromatic palette
of the picture as a whole. The panel has been
thinned and cradled but, as indicated by the two
lateral edges, it has not been cut down. Proba-
bly during the nineteenth- century restoration, a
strip approximately two centimeters wide was.
added along the bottom so as to equalize the
height of the three Vatican panels; this now has
been removed, thereby returning the work to its
original size.

According to the eighteenth-century descrip-
tion of the work in the abbots' records, the saint
represented is Flavia, the sister of Placidus, who
was a disciple of Saint Benedict. Together with
her brother, Flavia was martyred at Messina in
the course of a Saracen raid. However, the pres-
ence of the crown is incongruous. Alternatively,
she may be either Flavia Domitilla, the niece of
the Emperor Vespasian, or Saint Catherine of
Alexandria, among whose attributes is a crown.
The altar in San Pietro contained relics of Saints
Catherine and Peter Abbot, the founder of the
monastery, and Peter Abbot appears among the
saints represented in the panels from the base.

150

77 A 77 C. SAINT PLACIDUS

1495-98

Tempera on panel (poplar)

Height, 12 3 A " (32.5 cm); width, 11 Vs" (28.9 cm)

Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 321

This painting, which was restored in 1981, has
essentially the same conservation history as the
other two. As with the Saint Flavia, the damages
are limited to the background, while the figure
is in excellent condition. The extremely high level
of execution confirms the attribution to Perugino
himself. While apparently the pendant to the
Saint Flavia panel, the Saint Placidus is clearly
larger than its mate, and must have been even
larger originally, since the lateral borders are
lacking. There is a pentimento at the right side of
the saint's face. The palm held by Saint Placidus
alludes to his legendary martyrdom.

F.M.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Vasari, Le Vite, 1568, Milanesi ed.,
Florence, 1878, III, p. 588; C. Crispolti, Perugia augusta,
Perugia, 1648, p. 91; L. Scaramuccia, Le finezze de pennelli
italiani, Pavia, 1674, p. 85; B. Orsini, Vita, elogio e memorie
dell'egregio pittore Pietro Perugino e degli scolari di esso, Perugia,
1804, pp. 146-75; G. and A. D'Este, Elenco degli oggetti
esistenti nelMuseo Vaticano, Rome, 1821, p. 35; A. Venturi,
Storia dell' Arte Italiana, Milan, 1913, VII, 2, pp. 816-24;
W Bombe, Perugino: DesMeisters Gemdlde, Stuttgart-Berlin,
1914, pp. 49-63, 237-38; F. Canuti, // Perugino, Siena,
1931, I, pp. 111-17, II, pp. 176-78, nos. 223, 224, 228,
p. 180, no. 232, pp. 182-83, nos. 236, 237; E. Camesasca,
Tutta la pittura del Perugino, Milan, 1959, pp. 71-76;
R. Jullian, "Le Retable de 1' Ascension par Perugin," in
Bulletin des Musees et Monuments Lyonnais, II, 1961, pp.
381-404; E. Camesasca, L'opera completa del Perugino,
Milan, 1969, pp. 97-98, nos. 56 G, M, O.

77 C

151

RAPHAEL (RAFFAELLO SANZIO),

Urbino 1483-Rome 1520
A-C. PREDELLA FROM THE ODDI
ALTARPIECE

c. 1502-3

Oil on panel (poplar)

Height, 15 Vs " (39 cm); width, 74 'V l6 " (190 cm)
Pinacoteca. Inv. no. 335

The predella is part of the altarpiece that Raphael
painted, about 1502-3, for the altar of the Oddi
Chapel in the church of San Francesco in
Perugia; it was probably commissioned by
Alessandra di Simone degli Oddi (W. Bombe,
1911, pp. 304-5; cf. also D. Redig de Campos,
"L'Incoronazione della Madonna di Raffaello e
il suo restauro," in FedeeArte, VI, 1958, p. 343),
rather than by Maddalena degli Oddi, who is
mentioned by Vasari (1568; Milanesi ed., 1878,
IV, p. 3 17) , but is not named in documents. The
principal panel represents The Coronation of the
Virgin, while the predella includes three scenes
from the Infancy of Christ: The Annunciation
(Luke 1:26-38), The Adoration of the Magi
(Matthew 2:11), and The Presentation in the Tem-
ple (Luke 2:22-32). All three episodes, as repre-
sented in the predella, are based on the biblical
texts. In The Presentation in the Temple, the pres-
ence of two turtledoves in the hands of one of
the companions of the Virgin alludes to the holy
offering that was customarily made on that
occasion. Of particular interest in The Annuncia-
tion is the distant landscape, in which one might
possibly recognize in the mists the twin towers
of the Palazzo Ducale of Urbino.

The altarpiece remained in Perugia until 1797,
when it was taken to France following the terms
of the Treaty of Tolentino. Shortly before that
date, the work was restored by a certain Fran-
cesco Romero (L. Dussler, 1971, p. 10). A sec-
ond restoration was undertaken at the Louvre
by the restorers Haquin and Roeser (D. Redig
de Campos, op. cit., p. 346); at that time, The
Coronation of the Virgin was transferred to
canvas. The altarpiece was not returned to its
original site in Perugia after 1815, but was placed
in the new Vatican Pinacoteca created by Pius

VII (cf. G. and A. D'Este, 1821, pp. 36-37). Other
works by Raphael acquired at the same time —
the Madonna di Foligno; Faith, Charity, and Hope,
from the Baglioni Altarpiece; and The Transfigu-
ration — document the principal periods in the
stylistic evolution of the painter who, with
Michelangelo, was considered one of the great-
est artists of the Renaissance. To this end, and
with a clear critical awareness of their quality,
Pius XI (1922-39) had decided that all these
works, together with the Sistine Chapel tapes-
tries executed after Raphael's designs, should
be exhibited in a single room. The Coronation of
the Virgin was cleaned again in 1957 (D. Redig
de Campos, op. cit., p. 343), and the predella
was similarly treated in 1959 (F. Mancinelli, 1977,
p. 140); apart from changes in the blue pigment
(lapis lazuli) of the Madonna's dress, the condi-
tion of the work is nearly perfect.

In all probability, the Oddi Altarpiece was the
first work carried out by Raphael in Perugia,
and marked the first direct confrontation between
Raphael and Perugino, who, according to Vasari,
was Raphael's master after his initial apprentice-
ship in his father's workshop. The similarities
in the work of the young Raphael to that of
Perugino are very evident — especially in the Oddi
Altarpiece — and Vasari's statement traditionally
has been accepted. However, P De Vecchi (1981,
pp. 8-19) has argued very convincingly against
Raphael's apprenticeship in the workshop of
Perugino. He proposes an interpretation of the
Peruginesque elements in the paintings of the
young Raphael in terms of competition rather
than imitation — in much the same methodologi-
cal manner as Raphael's later confrontations with
the works of Leonardo and Michelangelo. The
composition of The Coronation of the Virgin is

derived from Perugino's Saint Peter Altarpiece,
but it has been transformed by the insertion of
the diagonal sarcophagus, which gives to the
entire conception greater depth and spaciousness.
Numerous typological — and, in particular, phys-
iognomic — details also are drawn from the Saint
Peter Altarpiece. Foreshortened heads similiar
to that of Perugino's Saint Flavia appear often in
the artist's later work — perhaps because the type
met with such notable success and was adapted
by Raphael for the head of Saint Thomas in The
Coronation of the Virgin. The Oddi Altarpiece is
clearly related, as well, to the predella of
Perugino's Fano Altarpiece. The compositional
scheme and typology of the figures in The An-
nunciation and The Presentation in the Temple fol-
low those of the analogous panels by Perugino,
as A. M. Brizio (1963, col. 223) has noted, but
with increasing breadth and luminosity, and, as
De Vecchi (1981, p. 15) has written, with greater
realism and a clearer and more precise sensitivity
toward spatial relationships.

F.M.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Vasari, he Vite, 1568, Milanesi ed.,
Florence, 1878, IV pp. 317-18; G. and A. D'Este, Elenco
degli oggetti esistenti net Museo Vatkano, Rome, 1821, pp.
36-37; W Bombe, "Raffaels Peruginer Jahre," in Monat-
shefte fur Kunstwissenschaft, IV, 1911, pp. 304-5; A. M.
Brizio, "Raffaello," in Encklopedia Universale dell' Arte, XI,
Venice-Rome, 1963, col. 223; L. Dussler, Raphael, London-
New York, 1971, p. 10; F. Mancinelli, "Arte Medioevale e
Moderna," in Bollettino del Monumenti Musei e Gallerie
Pontifkie, 1, 1977, p. 140; P De Vecchi, Raffaello. La Pittura,
Florence, 1981, pp. 8-19, 239-40, no. 12.

153

RAPHAEL (RAFFAELLO SANZIO),

Urbino 1483-Rome 1520
A-C. PREDELLA FROM THE
BAGLIONI ALTARPIECE

1507

The three panels representing the Theological
Virtues — Faith, Charity, and Hope — constitute
the predella for an altarpiece commissioned from
Raphael by Atalanta Baglioni, and intended for
the altar of the Baglioni family chapel in the
church of San Francesco in Perugia (L. Dussler,
1971, p. 23). Raphael probably received the com-
mission in the middle of 1506; he signed and
dated the principal panel Raphael./ vrbinas./
m.d.vii. With this altarpiece Atalanta Baglioni
sought to commemorate the death of her son
Grifone, who was assassinated in July 1 500 dur-
ing a conflict between opposing branches of the
family over the control of Perugia. Originally,
the altarpiece was composed of a central panel
with The Deposition (in the Galleria Borghese in
Rome); a pinnacle representing God the Father
Blessing, Surrounded by Angels (in the Galleria
Nazionale dell'Umbria in Perugia); and the pre-
della in the Vatican. Raphael, as mentioned,
signed The Deposition — however, C. L. Ragghianti
(1947, p. 9) believes that it was executed with
some studio assistance. The predella is generally
attributed to Raphael, but the pinnacle seems to
have been painted by Domenico Alfani, after
Raphael's design (L. Dussler, 1971, p. 24). It has
been suggested, in the past, that Atalanta was
portrayed in the guise of the Virgin or the Magda-
lene, and that the dead Christ or the bearer to
the right may have the features of Grifone; these
notions probably are unfounded. The altarpiece
remained in the church until 1608, when the
main panel was secretly sent to the Borghese
pope, Paul V, in Rome; he gave it to his nephew
Cardinal Scipione Borghese. Faced with objec-
tions from the people of Perugia and from Brac-
cio Baglioni, Atalanta's descendant, Paul V
responded with a brief in which he declared the
painting to be private property. At the same time,
Scipione Borghese had Lanfranco paint a copy
(which has since been lost) and send it to
Perugia; another contemporaneous copy, not
mentioned in the documents, is by Cavalier
d'Arpino (in the Galleria Nazionale in Perugia) .

The Deposition was taken to Paris in 1809 by
Camillo Borghese, husband of Pauline Bona-
parte, but in 181 5 it was returned to the Galleria
Borghese, where it has remained since. The pin-
nacle always has been in Perugia — assuming that
the work now in the museum there belonged to
Raphael's altarpiece, and that it is not a seven-
teenth-century copy; De Vecchi (1966, p. 97)
reproduced a sixteenth-century replica from a
private collection, which Camesasca (cf. Tutta
la pittura di Raffaello, 1962, I, pp. 83-84) be-
lieves may be closer to a lost original. The pre-
della was expropriated by the French in 1797
and remained in Paris until 1815; following its
restitution to Pius VII (1800-1823), it entered
the renovated Vatican Pinacoteca, thereby com-
plementing the group of Raphael's works ac-
quired by the Braschi pope, Pius VI (1775-99)
(cf. G. and A. D'Este, 1821, p. 45). The Baglioni
Altarpiece just precedes Raphael's arrival in
Rome and is as important a work in the artist's
career as The Transfiguration would be thirteen
years later; in it, as S. Staccioli writes (1972-73,
p. 7), Raphael presents a summation of his pre-
vious experiences in Umbria and Florence and,
at the same time, gives an indication of his fu-
ture style. Raphael's preparatory drawings for
the main panel — which was initially conceived
as a Lamentation and was then transformed into
a Deposition — testify, as does the finished picture,
to a variety of stimuli. At the outset, he was
inspired by Perugino's Pietd (now in the Palazzo
Pitti) , from which the first idea for the composi-
tion came, but later he looked to Signorelli, to
Mantegna, and ultimately to Michelangelo. The
influence of Michelangelo is evident in the cen-
tral panel of the predella— exhibited here— thus
illustrating Raphael's early interest in the work
of the artist who would become his competitor
on the Roman scene.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. and A. D'Este, Elenco degli ogaetti
esistenti nel Museo Vaticano, Rome, 1821, p. 45; E. Wind,
"Charity," in Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes,
I, 1937/8, pp. 329 ff.; C. L. Ragghianti, La deposizione di
Raffaello, Milan, 1947; A. M. Brizio, "Raffaello," in
Enaclopedia Universale dell' Arte, XI, Venice-Rome, 1963, cols.
226-27; P. De Vecchi, L'opera completa di Raffaello, Milan,
1966, p. 97, no. 70; L. Dussler, Raphael, London-New
York, 1971, pp. 23-25; L. Ferrara, S. Staccioli, and A. M.
Tantillo, Storia e restauro della Deposizione di Raffaello, Rome,
1972-73; R De Vecchi, Raffaello. La Pittura, Florence, 1981,
p. 244, no. 426.

79 A. FAITH

1507

Oil on panel (poplar)

Height, 7'/ 8 " (18 cm); width, 17 Vie" (44 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 332

The predella is painted in grisaille. Each of the
three panels has a niche-like cavity to the left
and right of a wider central compartment that
contains a slightly recessed medallion with
figures on a green ground. This panel was at the
left. It represents Faith, with her traditional attri-
bute, the Eucharistic chalice. The winged putti
carry tablets with Greek monograms — cpx and
iSs — alluding to Christ as the object of faith.

79 B. CHARITY

1507

Oil on panel (poplar)

Height, 7Vs" (18 cm); width, 17Vi 6 " (44 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 331

The middle panel of the predella represents
Charity, whose symbolically dominant role is
indicated by her central placement. One of the
putti carries on his back a flaming cauldron;
the other overturns a basin filled with coins —
perhaps an allusion to the abundance generated
through Charity. The tondo in the center closely
recalls Michelangelo's Pitti Madonna, which
seems to have furnished the model for the fe-
male figure.

79 C. HOPE

1507

Oil on panel (poplar)

Height, 7W (18 cm); width, 17 Vie" (44 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 330

This panel was at the right of the predella. As
indicated by the pose — one that Ripa's lconolo-
gia later made canonical — the subject is Hope.
The trusting attitudes of the winged putti flank-
ing the central figure are analogous.

154

155

LEONARDO DA VINCI (Vinci 1452-

Amboise 1519)
SAINT JEROME

c. 1482

Oil on panel (walnut)

Height, 40 9 /ie" (103 cm); width, 29 >/ 2 " (75 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 337

Leonardo painted this image of Saint Jerome
on a panel composed of two irregularly shaped
walnut boards, glued and reinforced where they
are joined by three dovetailed wedges. The sur-
face is very dirty and is covered by a thick layer
of discolored yellow varnish, which alters the
original palette. There are numerous old re-

touches, some of which were intended to dis-
guise the damages incurred in the nineteenth
century, when four cuts were made in the upper
part of the picture and the head of the saint was
removed. A rigid cradle was applied to the re-
verse of the panel in 1929, replacing an oak back-
ing that had been glued on in the nineteenth
century. The Saint Jerome has not been cleaned in
this century, if ever (B. Nogara, 1931, pp. 5-7).

This famous painting, mentioned for the first
time in 1803, in the will of the Swiss painter
Angelica Kauffmann (1741-1807), who had
lived in Rome, was attributed to Leonardo (J.
Langl, 1888-89, p. 298). (From an inventory of
1680, we know that a picture identical in subject,
also attributed to Leonardo, was in the Palazzo
del Giardino in Parma, but the dimensions seem
to argue against its being the Vatican picture; cf.
G. Campori, Raccolta di cataloghi ed inventari
inediti . . .dal secolo XV al secolo XIX, Modena,
1870.) The picture disappeared after the death
of Angelica Kauffmann, but, fortunately, was re-
discovered by Napoleon's uncle Cardinal Joseph
Fesch, who died in Rome in 1839. Regarding
this find, D'Achiardi (1913, p. 69), without
citing the source (which almost certainly was
F. Wey, 1878, pp. 28-31), tells the following
— somewhat romantic — story. The cardinal first
discovered the painting, with the head cut out,
being used as a cover for a chest in a second-
hand shop. Subsequently, he located the miss-
ing part of the panel in a cobbler's shop. The
details of the story are probably fictitious, but
the cuts in the panel indicate that the head was
removed by someone who thought that it would
be more easily salable alone. However it may
have been, Cardinal Fesch had the various pieces
of the picture reassembled; the complete work
was auctioned in his estate sale, which took place
at Palazzo Ricci, on the Via Giulia in Rome, dur-
ing March and April 1845. The picture was val-
ued at 2,500 francs, but it is not clear whether it
actually was sold then and if so to whom (B.
Nogara, 1931, p. 7, n. 4). G. Moroni (1858, p.
244) records that Pius IX was the first to exhibit
the work in the Pinacoteca, in 1857; since then,
it has never been moved, except for an exhibi-
tion held in Lucerne for the benefit of the
Biblioteca Ambrosiana, which had been dam-
aged during World War II.

Leonardo's Penitence of Saint Jerome is en-
tirely traditional iconographically. The saint, as-
cetic in visage and physique, prays before a
crucifix lightly sketched in profile; in his right
hand is a stone that he will use to beat his breast,
which he bares with his left hand. The setting is
a grotto, from which a rocky landscape, only
partially blocked in, opens on the left. In the
foreground is a roaring lion, Jerome's traditional
attribute. In what appears to be an opening in
the rocks, the facade of a church has been drawn
on the gesso priming; despite the generic quality
of the representation, some scholars have iden-
tified it as Santa Maria Novella in Florence,
completed by Leon Battista Alberti in 1470. The
painting is actually a sketch, with some parts of
the landscape and, in particular, the face of the
saint slightly more developed. The attribution

156

to Leonardo proposed by Angelica Kauffmann
has always been upheld, since the panel clearly
is related to other works by Leonardo — specifi-
cally, to The Adoration of the Magi, commissioned
from the artist in 1481. The Adoration is also a
sketch, and in it, as Redig de Campos (1977, p.
66) has written, one finds the same techniques
of sketching the work in giallolino (yellow prim-
ing paint) and bister, and of drawing by painting,
with absolute supremacy given to the sfumato
(roughly denned as shading) without sacrificing
the solid framework of Florentine draftsmanship.
As an example, one should note the analogous
drawing of the mountain in the two works. L. H.
Heydenreich (1958, col. 566) sees the influence
of Florentine art in the springing motion of the
body — almost an anatomical study, which re-
calls the work of Pollaiuolo. In the absence of
documentation .or contemporary evidence, the
painting must be dated on stylistic grounds. With
the exception of J. Strzygowski (1895, pp.
166-68), who dated the work to Leonardo's first
visit to Milan (at the time of The Last Supper),
all scholars place the Saint Jerome in the artist's
first Florentine period, about 1482, just before
his departure for Milan.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Galerie defeu S. E. le Cardinal Fesch. . . .
Catalogue des tableaux des koles italiennes, et espagnole, par
George, peintre, Commissaire-Expert du Musee royal du Louvre,
Rome, 1845, pp. 174-76, no. 838—750; Galleria dei
quadri al terzo piano delle Logge Vaticane, Rome, 1857, p. 9;
G. Moroni, Dizionario di educazione storico-ecclesiastica,
LXXXVIII, Venice, 1858, p. 244; F. Wey, / musei del Vaticano,
Milan, 1878, pp. 27-31; J. Langl, "Das Testament der An-
gelica Kauffmann," in Zeitschrift fur bildende Kunst, XXIV,
1888-89, p. 298; J. Strzygowski, "Studienzu Leonardos
Entwickelung als Maler," in Jahrbuch der Preussischen
Kunstsammlungen, XVI, 1895, pp. 166-68, 171, 173; P.
D'Achiardi, Guida della Pinacoteca Vaticana, III, Rome, 1913,
p. 69; B. Nogara, "Gli ultimi restauri del S. Girolamo di
Leonardo da Vinci," in Miscellanea di Studi Lombardi in
onore di Ettore Verga, Milan, 1931, pp. 5-7; E. Verga,
Bibliografla Vinciana, Bologna, 1931; L. H. Heydenreich,
Leonardo da Vinci, New York, 1954; idem, "Leonardo da
Vinci," in Enciclopedia Universale dell' Arte, VIII, Venice-
Rome, 1958, cols. 562, 566; D. Redig de Campos, "S.
Girolamo," in Leonardo: La Pittura, Milan, 1977, pp. 65-68.

VERONESE (PAOLO CALIARI), Verona

1528-Venicel588
THE VISION OF SAINT HELENA

c. 1580

Oil on canvas

Height, 65 Vs" (166 cm); width, 52 W (134 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 352

This picture is in good condition; the cleaning
in 1982 brought back its delicacy and chromat-
ic variety. Benedict XIV (1740-58) acquired the

painting from the Pio di Carpi family (T. Pignatti,
1976, p. 150), and Pius VII (1800-1823) placed
it in the restored Vatican Pinacoteca (G. and A.
D'Este, 1821, pp. 37-38), where it has remained
since. The subject is the Vision of Saint Helena —
so called, as it was more a dream than a vision.
The saint is seated, her eyes closed, her head
resting on one hand. She wears a crown, and a
sumptuous sixteenth-century dress under a cloak
fastened with a brooch, at the center of which is
a cameo with a cupid. A winged putto holds up
a cross — the manifestation of the dream that,
according to legend, guided her to the place
where the true cross was buried. The atmosphere
is solemn and peaceful. Saint Helena is the sub-
ject of a painting in the National Gallery in Lon-
don, as well as of other works by Veronese since
lost (cf. C. Gould, The Sixteenth-Century Venetian
School. National Gallery Catalogues, London, 1959,
pp. 147-48). As Gould indicates, the iconogra-
phy is not that generally employed in Venice,
where the saint is usually shown standing be-
neath the cross. He has identified as the probable

source for the London picture (which may be
dated about 1570) an engraving by a follower
of Marcantonio Raimondi in which the vision of
a female saint — perhaps Saint Agnes — is repre-
sented. The prototype of that engraving, a draw-
ing in the Uffizi, has now been attributed to
Raphael by Konrad Oberhuber (cf. Raphaels
Zeichnungen, IX, Berlin, 1972, pp. 95-96, no. 409
a, r.). The Vatican picture, a later version of the
subject, differs from all of these in that the cross
is no longer held aloft. G. Fiocco (1928, p. 193)
dated it about 1575, while R. Marini (1968, p.
1 19, no. 193) has suggested a date closer to 1580.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. and A. D'Este, Elenco degli oggetti
esistenti nel Museo Vaticano, Rome, 1821, pp. 37-38;
G. Fiocco, Paolo Veronese, Bologna, 1928, pp. 86, 193;
E. Francia, Tesori della Pinacoteca Vaticana, Milan, 1964, p.
80; R. Marini, L opera completa del Veronese, Milan, 1968,
pp. 1 12, 119, no. 193; T. Pignatti, Veronese, Venice, 1976, p.
150, no. 256.

157

GIROLAMO MUZIANO (Acquafredda

[Brescia] 1528-Rome 1592)
SAINT JEROME

c. 1585-92

Oil on panel, transferred to canvas

Height, 57 W (147 cm); width, 38 9 / !6 " (98 cm)

Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 369

This picture, which was restored in 1981-82
and is in good condition, comes from the church
of Santa Marta, which once stood behind Saint
Peter's basilica, to the left of the church of San

Stefano degli Abbissini (on the history and dec-
oration of the building, see C. Pietrangeli, 1982,
pp. 209-13). Santa Marta was built in 1538
during the pontificate of Paul III (1534-49) . Be-
ginning in 1 5 82 , under Gregory XIII (1572-85),
the church underwent a radical reconstruction,
which was undertaken by Ottaviano Mascherino,
architect of the papal palaces since 1578. Work
proceeded under Sixtus V (1585-90), whose
coat of arms appeared on the facade, and con-
tinued during the reign of Clement VIII (1592-
1605 ) . Muziano's painting decorated the altar of
the second chapel — on the right of the church —
commissioned by Ludovico Canossi (died 1626)
and dedicated to Saint Jerome. The stucco wall
decorations included figures of Saints Peter, Paul,
Martha, and Mary Magdalene, and four scenes
from the life of Saint Jerome; these works are

lost, but are documented in photographs and in
several casts in the storerooms of the Vatican
Museums. The Saint Jerome was saved when, in
1930, the church was demolished — because, ac-
cording to the cynical assertion oi II Messaggero ,
it "no longer had a reason to exist." The panel
was acquired by the Vatican Museums, restored,
and transferred to the Pinacoteca in 1932, where
it was exhibited.

The altarpiece represents Saint Jerome in
prayer before a crucifix. In his right hand, he
grasps a rock with which he will beat his chest.
Next to him are his customary attributes, the
lion and the cardinal's hat. Despite its high
quality, the work has never attracted scholarly
interest, and Ugo da Como only mentioned it
in his 1930 monograph on the artist (p. 122). In
this century, the attribution to Muziano has not
been doubted, although it was questioned in the
past — for example, by G. Alveri (1670, II, p.
221), who wrote that the painting was thought
to be by Muziano but was said to have been
designed by Daniele da Volterra. This doubt, as
Pietrangeli has pointed out, must have been sug-
gested by the emphatic Michelangelism of the
figure — typical of Muziano's work after his ar-
rival in Rome, where he was one of the founders
of the Accademia di San Luca. The limited color
range, which is also Michelangelesque, contrib-
utes to the sculptural effect, and the skillful use
of glazes recalls the artist's Venetian origins. The
subject was treated often by Muziano, and this
version is one of the finest. It was probably paint-
ed during the pontificate of Sixtus V or slightly
later, rather than under Gregory XIII, who initi-
ated the rebuilding of the church.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Alveri, Delia Roma in ogniStato, Rome,
1670, II, p. 221; U. da Como, Girolamo Muziano, Bergamo,
1930, p. 122; A. Porcella, Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, Guida
delta Pinacoteca Vaticana, Vatican City, 1933, p. 179;
C. Pietrangeli, "In ricordo di una chiesa distrutta: S. Marta
al Vaticano," in Arte e letteratura per Giovanni Fallani,
Rome, 1982, pp. 209-13, pis. 11-16.

BAROCCI (FEDERICO FIORI), Urbino

1535-1612
SAINT FRANCIS RECEIVING
THE STIGMATA

c. 1594-95
Oil on canvas

Height, 65" (165 cm); width, 46 Vie" (118 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 380

This canvas, restored in 1981, is in excellent con-
dition, save for a loss inpainted with vertical
hatching that affects part of the face, shoulder,
and book of Brother Rufinus. With the removal
of repaint and discolored varnish, it became clear
that the work is a sketch. The glazing applied to
the figure of Saint Francis, which is the most
elaborate and highly finished part, is not found
in other areas; the rest was roughed in, almost as
if the artist drew as he painted, preparing with
dark colors the areas in shadow, and with light
colors those in light. The underpainting is gray,

158

and only the figure of the saint was transferred
by incising the outline with a stylus; some penti-
menti can be seen in the fingers of the right hand.
The painting represents the moment when, as
Saint Bonaventure relates, Francis had a vision
of the crucified Christ between the wings of a
seraph and received the stigmata. The setting is
Mount Averna, and there is a view of a Francis-
can monastery. The figure of Saint Francis is iden-
tical to that in the Perdono di Assisi (in San
Francesco in Urbino), completed in 1576, while
Brother Rufinus recalls a comparable figure in
a drawing in the British Museum (Inv. no. Pp.
3-203), which also includes the tree and the
distant monastery.

Opinions on the painting have varied. H. Olsen
(1962, p. 161) considered it a workshop picture,
and A. Emiliani (1975, p. 102) has called it a
copy. Since then, it has been restored. Only the
figure of Saint Francis is derived with little varia-
tion from the Perdono, and the very high quality
of execution of the Vatican picture rules out
workshop participation. The underpainting and
incising are also typical of the artist. The presence
of unresolved passages, especially in the rocks,
and the sketch-like technique strongly suggest

that this canvas was a preparatory study for one
of the versions of Saint Francis Receiving the Stig-
mata, to which Barocci returned many times after
painting the Perdono. It should thus be grouped
with Barocci's print of the subject; the drawings
in the Uffizi (Inv. no. 11500P) and the British
Museum; numerous studies of rocks and trees;
and, above all, with the Fossombrone Saint Fran-
cis Receiving the Stigmata (Museo Civico), which,
as Emiliani has indicated, is also sketch-like in
its handling. According to Emiliani, the British
Museum drawing and the Fossombrone picture
precede the Saint Francis Receiving the Stigmata
in Urbino (Galleria Nazionale delle Marche),
which was probably finished in 1595. A similar
dating for the Vatican version — before the Urbino
picture — is suggested by the dramatic treatment
of light and by the palette, which is character-
ized by a subtle use of brown and gray. The Vati-
can picture may precede the one in Fossombrone,
as the figure of Saint Francis is closer to the saint
in the Perdono di Assisi. Such a repetition of motif,
in any event, typifies Barocci's working methods.
The history of the painting, which was brought
to the Pinacoteca in 1932 from a room in the
Vatican palaces, is not recorded. F. M.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Porcella. Musei e Gallerie Pontificie,
Guida delta Pinacoteca Vaticana, Vatican City, 1933, p. 183,
no. 380; H. Olscn, Federico Barocci, Copenhagen, 1962,
p. 161; Mostra di Federico Barocci (exhib. cat.), entry by
A. Emiliani for the Saint Francis Receiving the Stigmata in
Fossombrone, Bologna, 1975, pp. 102-3.

BAROCCI (FEDERICO FIORI), Urbino
1535-1612

THE REST ON THE FLIGHT INTO EGYPT

c. 1570-73
Oil on canvas

Height, 52 Vs" (133 cm); width, 43 Vie" (110 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 377

In this work, restored in 1981-82, small losses
affecting both the figures and the background
have been inpainted with vertical hatching. The
cleaning has brought to light the extraordinarily
delicate, subtly shaded coloring typical of Barocci.
As Giovanni Pietro Bellori (1672, p. 196) de-
scribed the technique: 'After the laborious work
of preparing numerous drawings and sketches,
he applied the paint very rapidly, often blend-
ing it with his thumb, so as to shade without
using a brush. " The use of oil glazes over tem-
pera is also typical of the artist. The attribution
to Barocci has never been questioned. In subject,
the picture corresponds to — but is almost cer-
tainly not identical with — one described by
Bellori (1672, p. 193) as having been painted for
Duke Guidobaldo della Rovere: "For Duke
Guidobaldo, the father of Francesco Maria, he
painted a small cabinet picture, with the Virgin
resting from her journey to Egypt: she sits, and
with a cup takes water from a flowing stream,
while Joseph lowers a branch of an apple tree,
holding it out to the Infant Jesus, who smiles
and extends his hand to it. This work was sent
as a gift to the Duchess of Ferrara [Lucrezia
d'Este] , and because the invention was pleasing,
various replicas were made, and a life-size
gouache was also made, which Count Antonio
Brancaleoni had sent to his castle of Pieve del
Piobbico." According to Olsen (1962, p. 154),
that painting was given to the Duchess of Ferrara
just before her marriage (on January 2 or 3,
1571) and would, therefore, date to about 1570.
The work, which passed by inheritance into the
collection of Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini in 1 5 98
or shortly after, remained in the Aldobrandini
family until about 1800. In that year and the
following, Alexander Day may have exhibited
it in London for sale by private contract; M.
Passavant (cf. Tour of a German Artist in England,
I, London, 1836 ed., pp. 228-29) saw it in the
collection of George Channing, first Baron
Garvagh; in 1898, long after Channing's death,
it was sold with works from his estate (Christie's,
London, June 13, 1898, no. 130) and has never
been found since.

The replica that Barocci describes as having
been painted for Count Brancaleoni is in the
church of San Stefano in Piobbico.

Olsen (1962, p. 154) and Emiliani (1975, pp.
85-86) agree that the Vatican picture could not
be the one painted for Duke Guidobaldo, in

159

which — to judge from an engraving of 1772 by
Cappellano — the Child is seated on the right
knee of the Virgin. Rather, it would seem to be
identifiable with a painting that Bellori (1672,
p. 176) called a Nativity: "After returning to
Urbino, he sent, out of friendship for Signor
Simonetto Anastagi, the gift of a Nativity by his
own hand about four feet in height. " In 1602,
upon the death of Anastagi, the picture, accom-
panied by a letter dated October 2, 1573
(Piancastelli Collection, Forli), passed into the
hands of the Jesuits of Perugia, who hung it in
the Sacristy of their church. With the suppres-
sion of the order in 1773, the painting was taken
to the Palazzo del Quirinale in Rome. Pius VI
had the work included among those in the first
Vatican Pinacoteca, which was inaugurated
about 1790 (C. Pietrangeli, 1975, p. 355). It re-
mained there only until 1798, or slightly later,
when, after the removal of the pictures that the
Napoleonic commissioners sent to the Louvre,
The Rest on the Flight into Egypt was taken to the
apostolic palaces. It was returned to the
Pinacoteca only in the time of Pius X (1903-14).
During the pontificate of Gregory XVI, what the

1846 catalogue called the bozzetto (or sketch) for
the painting was exhibited in the Pinacoteca,
evidently as a replacement; given the high level
of quality of the collection, it is unlikely that
this bozzetto is identifiable with the picture now
in the Accademia di San Luca — which is a
mediocre seventeenth -century copy, of differ-
ent dimensions.

The Rest on the Flight into Egypt was one of
Barocci's most popular works, as indicated by
the number of autograph replicas and its almost
immediate reproduction (1575) in an engraving
by Cornelis Cort. The composition, derived from
Correggio's Madonna della Scodella, is an exam-
ple of Barocci's characteristic elegance of execu-
tion and an image of extraordinary lyricism.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY; G. R Bellori, Le Vite de' pittori, scultoriet
architetti moderni, Rome, 1672, pp. 176, 193, 196; Galleria
diquadrial Vaticano, Rome, 1846, pp. 35-36; P. D'Achiardi,
Guida della Pinacoteca Vaticana, III, Rome, 1913, p. 140,
no. 253; H. Olsen, Federico Barocci, Copenhagen, 1962,
pp. 60-61, 154-56; Mostra di Federico Barocci (exhib. cat.),
entry by A. Emiliani, Bologna, 1975, pp. 85-87;
C. Pietrangeli, "I Musei Vaticani dopo Tolentino," in Strenna
dei Romanisti, 1975, p. 355.

CARAVAGGIO (MICHELANGELO MERISI),

Bergamo 1573-Porto Ercole 1610
THE DEPOSITION

1604

Oil on canvas

Height, 118 Vs" (300 cm); width, 79 'Vis" (203 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 386

This picture, which was restored in 1982, comes
from the Chiesa Nuova (Santa Maria in Valli-
cella) in Rome. It was commissioned for the
chapel of the Vittrici family, probably toward
the end of 1601, as a document refers to work
already in progress there as of January 9, 1602.
The patron must have been a nephew of Pietro
Vittrici (died March 26, 1600), who had been
Master of the Household to Gregory Xm and had
purchased the chapel in 1577. The painting was
certainly finished by September 6, 1604, for on
that date, according to an entry from the rec-
ords of the church, the nephew of Signor Pietro
Vittrici asked for and was given a picture of the
Pieta which had been on the altar of the chapel
before the picture by Caravaggio was painted
(cf. L. Lopresti, "Un appunto per la storia di
Michelangelo da Caravaggio," in L'Arte, XXV,
1922, p. 116).

Scholars disagree on the exact date of the
painting. A summary of the various arguments
about the date, together with the relevant
bibliography, is in Maurizio Marini's mono-
graph (1974, pp. 398-99). Marini, himself, be-
lieves that Caravaggio began the altarpiece in
1602 and finished it in 1604. There were, he
maintains, various reasons for the unusually long
period of execution: the libel suit and subse-
quent trial instituted by Baglione, Caravaggio's
future biographer; the temporary relocation of
the artist to the Marches; the legal problems re-
sulting from an altercation with Pietro da
Fusaccia, a waiter at the Osteria del Mora alia
Maddalena in Rome; and, finally, the numer-
ous other commissions the artist received con-
currently. The painting remained in the Vittrici
Chapel until 1797, when, following the terms
of the Treaty of Tolentino, it was sent to Paris; it
was replaced with a copy by Vincenzo Camuc-
cini. Caravaggio's painting was returned to Rome
in 1817 and installed in the new Pinacoteca of
Pius VII; at the same time, Camuccini's copy
was replaced with one by Michel Kock, which
remains in the church. The Deposition was ex-
hibited in Lucerne in 1948.

Caravaggio's treatment of the subject presents
numerous anomalies when compared with more
traditional representations. This is not a burial
scene like Raphael's Baglioni Altarpiece, as the
protagonists here are not in motion, nor is it a
Deposition, in the strict sense, since the body of
Christ is not being lowered into the tomb. De-
spite the presence of the Virgin, it is not a Pieta,
given the number and type of the characters
depicted. Furthermore, according to the Gospels,
only Nicodemus, Mary Magdalene, and Mary
Cleophas were present — not, as here, the Vir-
gin and Saint John. As M. A. Graeve (1958, pp.
227-28) and W. Friedlaender (1955, p. 188)
have shown, Caravaggio represented the moment

160

when the body of Christ was placed on the Stone
of Unction, which then would be used as the
slab to seal his tomb. Symbolically, as M. Calvesi
(cf. "Caravaggio o la ricerca della Salvazione,"
in Storia dell' Arte, IX-X, 1971, pp. 121-23, n. 108)
has noted, the slab alludes to Christ as the cor-
nerstone and foundation of the Church. Marini
(1974, p. 33) has suggested that the inclusion of
the yew beneath the stone and the fig beside the
entrance to the sepulcher has symbolic import,
as well. The former recalls a passage in Isaiah
(53:2) that refers to Christ, while the latter is
not the accursed fig tree of Matthew (21:18-22)
and Mark ( 1 1 : 1 3-14) but, more probably, the Res-
urrection symbol of the two parables in Luke
( 1 3 : 6-9; 2 1 : 2 9-3 1 ) . The anomalous presence of
the Virgin is due to the necessity of representing
the same subject, the Pieta, that appeared in the

previous altarpiece in the chapel: the iconograph-
ic program could not be changed, since each of
the chapels was planned by Saint Philip Neri to
invite meditation on a single Mystery of the
Rosary. (It should be noted that the features of
Nicodemus are curiously reminiscent of those
of Philip Neri's death mask.)

The composition of Caravaggio's altarpiece re-
calls Raphael's Baglioni Deposition, Peterzano's
Deposition at San Fedele in Milan, and the Mi-
chelangelo Pieta in Saint Peter's. The hypothesis
that the figure of Mary Cleophas was a later
addition is without foundation (G. C. Argan,
1943, pp. 40-43; R. Longhi, 1943, pp. 100-
102). Caravaggio painted The Deposition shortly
after completing the decoration of the Cerasi
Chapel in Santa Maria del Popolo and the
Contarelli Chapel in San Luigi dei Francesi. The

picture is one of the few about which there has
been almost universal agreement: As G. Baglione
(1642, p. 137) noted, it was said to be Caravag-
gio's greatest work.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Baglione, he Vite de' pittori scultori et
architetti, dal pontificate di Gregorio XIII, del 1572, in fino
a' tempi di papa Vrbano Ottauo nel 1642, 1642, p. 137;
G. and A. D'Este, Elenco degli oggetti esistenti nel Museo
Vaticano, Rome, 1821, pp. 17-19; G. C. Argan, "Un'ipotesi
caravaggesca," in Parallelo, II, 1943, pp. 40-43; R. Longhi,
"Ultimissime sul Caravaggio," in Proporzioni, 1, 1943, pp.
100-102; W. Friedlaender, Caravaggio Studies, Princeton,
1955, pp. 123-30, 186-89, no. 25; M.A. Graeve, "The
Stone of Unction in Caravaggio's Painting for the Chiesa
Nuova," in The Art Bulletin, XL, 1958, pp. 223-38; M.
Marini, Io Michelangelo da Caravaggio, Rome, 1974, pp.
32-33, 180, 398-99, no. 48.

NICOLAS POUSSIN (Les Andelys 1594-

Rome 1665)
THE MARTYRDOM OF SAINT ERASMUS

1629

Oil on canvas

Height, 126 " (320 cm); width, 73 'A " (186 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 815

This painting was restored in 1980 on the occa-
sion of the exhibition "Bernini in Vaticano"
(1981). A rather sizable damage near the left
shoulder of the soldier in the foreground —
sustained long ago — has been inpainted with
vertical hatching. The subject, the martyrdom
of Saint Erasmus, was first represented in the
fourteenth century; virtually unknown in France
in Poussin's time, it was only rarely met with in
Italy, though Saraceni's altarpiece for the cathe-
dral of Gaeta is an important precedent. Poussin's
Martyrdom, intended for one of the altars in the
right transept of Saint Peter's, was commissioned
in February 1628. A. Felibien (1666-85; 1725
ed., IV, p. 19) states that Poussin secured the
commission through his patron Cassiano dal
Pozzo, although Bernini told R Freart de Chante-
lou (1665; 1885 ed., p. 146) that the suggestion
was his. In any event, it was Poussin's first pub-
lic commission since his arrival in Rome in 1624.
He completed the painting in 1629, and signed

it: Nicolaus Pusin fecit. The work met with only
limited success; contemporaries preferred the
Martyrdom of Saints Processus and Martinian,
which Valentin had painted in the same year
for the altar on the opposite wall of the transept.
The Martyrdom of Saint Erasmus remained in Saint
Peter's until the eighteenth century, when it was
replaced by a mosaic copy and moved to the
Palazzo del Quirinale. Following the terms of
the Treaty of Tolentino, the painting was sent to
Paris in 1797; it was returned to Rome in 1817,
and entered the collection that Pius VII had as-
sembled as the new Vatican Pinacoteca.

The commission had been awarded first to
Pietro da Cortona, whose preparatory drawing
influenced Poussin's work. Venetian characteris-
tics in The Martyrdom of Saint Erasmus confirm
the artist's supposed stay in Venice: according
to M. Stein (1952, pp. 5-6), his conception is
derived from Veronese's Martyrdom of Saints Pri-
mus and Felicianus, painted for the Abbey of
Praglia (now in the Museo Civico in Padua),
while for A. Blunt (1966, p. 67), Titian's Pesaro
Altarpiece in the church of the Frari in Venice is
the source. Both critics note that the two putti
were taken from Titian's Death of Saint Peter Mar-
tyr (then in Santi Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, but
since lost), while Stein believes that the figure
of the soldier on horseback is a reflection of

Veronese's Martyrdom of Saint Sebastian, created
for the Venetian church of the same name.

The picture is painted with extraordinary
sureness: There are very few pentimenti, and the
pigment is laid on in broad, flat masses, creat-
ing strong contrasts of light and shadow. The
recent restoration has revealed an extremely in-
tense palette that is Venetian in origin — closer
to that of Veronese than to Titian — but with a
different tonal accent. In fact, Poussin used al-
most pure pigments, applied thinly over reddish-
brown underpainting. It is this ground, exposed
in the shadows, that gives the painting its warm,
fiery tonality. The limited palette and the rigor-
ous formal structure of the composition produce
an impression of restrained yet expressive
violence.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: R Freart de Chantelou, Journal du voy-
age du Cavalier Bernin en France (1665), Paris, 1885, pp.
67, 72, 146; A. Felibien, Entretiens sur les vies et sur les
ouvrages des plus excellens peintres anciens et modernes
(1666-85), Paris, 1725, III, p. 227, IV, p. 19; M. Stein,
"Notes on the Italian Sources of Nicolas Poussin," in
Konsthistorisk Tidskrift, XXI, 1952, pp. 5-6; A. Blunt, The
Paintings of Nicolas Poussin. A Critical Catalogue, London,
1966, pp. 66-68, no. 97; F. Mancinelli, "Nicolas Poussin.
II Martirio di S. Erasmo," entry in Bernini in Vaticano (exhib.
cat.), Rome, 1981, pp. 61-62, no. 36.

163

GUERCINO (GIOVANNI FRANCESCO
BARBIERI), Cento 1591-Bologna 1666

MARY MAGDALENE

1622

Oil on canvas

Height, 86 Vs " (220 cm); width, 78 V 4 " (200 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 391

This picture was restored in 1982; the face of
the Magdalene and the background are some-
what abraded, and the dark colors, particularly,
were damaged in a previous overcleaning. The
work was painted for the high altar of a church in
Rome that was dedicated to Saint Mary Magda-
lene, the Convertite al Corso. As D. Mahon
(1968, p. Ill) has pointed out, the painting
should be dated 1622, when it was engraved by
G. B. Pasqualini. A. Porcella (1933, p. 196) holds
that it was executed in 1623, the year in which
it was registered by Guercino's brother Paolo
Antonio; however, this date probably refers to a
subsequent payment. The identity of the patron
is not recorded. F. Titi (1675; 1763 ed., p. 348)
speaks of restoration work in the church, which
had burned in 1617, that was carried out, under
Paul V (1605-21), by Cardinal Pietro Aldobran-

dini (died 1621) and his sister Olimpia, so that it
is possible that the cardinal was also responsible
for the commission. Until the church was sup-
pressed — probably during the Napoleonic era —
the picture remained there; afterward, it was sent
to the Palazzo del Quirinale, where Camuccini
restored it. In 1817, it was transferred to the new
Vatican Pinacoteca and, thus, entered Pius VII' s
collection (G. and A. D'Este, 1821, p. 38).

Guercino illustrates the meeting of Mary
Magdalene and the angels at the empty sepul-
cher of Christ, an episode based on the Gospel
of John (20:11-13). Here, however, the subject
is given a somewhat moralistic, typically post-
Tridentine interpretation, which is clearly re-
flected in G. Passeri's description (1772; 1934
ed., p. 352). He noted that Guercino painted
Mary Magdalene repenting her vanities and
errors: the saint kneels on the hard ground and
laments her faults, while one of the angels as-
sisting in her penitence presents her with the
nails with which Christ was crucified; the other
points to heaven to indicate the true hope for
her salvation, comforting her. The theme of the
Magdalene was particularly popular at this time,
and even had inspired an ode by Cardinal Maffeo
Barberini, published in Paris in 1618.

In comparison with other works of this date,
the Mary Magdalene is closest in style to the artist's
pre-Roman paintings. Nonetheless, to para-
phrase Mahon (1968, p. 112), the lighting and
atmosphere do not dominate the forms as much
as would previously have been the case; the
figures do not give the impression of fluidity
and change, and the pointing gesture of the angel
has a curiously statue-like stability. Mahon de-
scribes the effect as somewhat closer to that of a
bas-relief against a background, rather than that
of figures fused with their environment. The
picture, which Passeri (1772; 1934 ed., p. 352)
thought incomparable, is one of the milestones
of Guercino's Roman period.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. Titi, Descrizione della pitture, sculture e
architettureespostealpubblico in Roma (1675), Rome, 1763,
pp. 348-49; G. Passed, Vite de' pittori, scultori, earchitetti, che
hanno lavorato in Roma, e che sono morti dal 1641 al 1673,
1772, Hess ed., Leipzig and Vienna, 1934, p. 352; G. and
A. D'Este, Elenco degli oggetti esistenti ml Museo Vaticano,
Rome, 1821, p. 38; A. Porcella, Musei e Gallerie Pontificie,
Guida della Pinacoteca Vaticana, Vatican City, 1933, p. 196;
N. Barbanti Grimaldi, // Guercino, Bologna, 1968, p. 92;
D. Mahon, // Guercino. Catalogo critko dei dipinti (exhib.
cat.), Bologna, 1968, pp. 111-12.

164

165

PIERFRANCESCO MOLA (Coldrerio

[Como] 1612-Rome 1666)
SAINT JEROME

c. 1660

Oil on canvas

Height, 53 Vs " (135 cm); width, 39 " (99 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 403

This picture, which is in perfect condition, was
restored in 1978. Its provenance is unknown;
before 1932, when it entered the Pinacoteca, it
was in the pontifical villa at Castel Gandolfo
(A. Porcella, 1933, p. 206). Mola depicts Saint
Jerome listening to the trumpet of the Last
Judgment, a subject that was first represented
in the sixteenth century. The saint is seen in half-
length, three-quarter view, wrapped in — but at
the same time emerging from — the bulky red
cloak that is the dominant chromatic element in
the painting. He grasps a quill in his right hand,
which rests on the book in which he has been
writing. Adjacent are three characteristic attri-
butes: a skull, a cross, and a rosary. The picture is
broadly painted — note, for example, the cloak —
and may be a study rather than a finished work.

Porcella (1933, p. 206) attributed this work
to Mola, dating it to the period when the artist
was most influenced by Ribera. He also noted
that it is close in style to the Saint Jerome in the
Galleria Barberini. Despite its undoubted quality,
this painting has attracted little notice. E. Water-
house (1976, p. 97) considers the attribution
probable but not certain. There are a number of
late works by Mola representing Saint Jerome,
as A. Czobor (cf. "On Some Late Works of Pier
Francesco Mola," in The Burlington Magazine,
CX, 1968, figs. 41, 43) has demonstrated; among
these are two drawings of Saint Jerome listen-
ing to the trumpet of the Last Judgment — one
in the Kupferstichkabinett in the Staatliche
Museen in East Berlin; the other in the Teylers
Museum in Haarlem. Czobor, like Porcella,
emphasizes the importance of Ribera's influence
on Mola — many of whose works were erro-
neously attributed to the Spanish painter in the
past. The painting by Ribera that most closely
resembles, and may in fact have inspired, the
Vatican picture is the Saint Jerome in the Galleria
Doria-Pamphili in Rome.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Porcella, Musei e Gallerie Pontificie,
Guida della Pinacoteca Vaticana, Vatican City, 1933, p. 206;
E. Waterhouse, Roman Baroque Painting, Oxford, 1976,
p. 97.

CARLO MARATTA (Rome 1625-1713)
PORTRAIT OF CLEMENT IX (1667-69)
1669

Oil on canvas

Height, 57 Vs " (145 cm); width, 45 "As " (116 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 460

Formerly in the Rospigliosi Collection, this paint-
ing was acquired by Louis Mendelssohn of
Detroit, who donated it to Pius XI on March 8,
193 1. It is in excellent condition, and was exhib-
ited in Florence in 1911 (cf. II ritratto italiano,
entry by C. Gamba, Bergamo, 1927, pp. 25-26)
and at the Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kultur-
besitz in Berlin in 1980 (E. Schleier, 1980, pp.
223-24). Clement IX, who was born Giulio
Rospigliosi, in 1600, is here portrayed in the last
year of his life; he died on December 9, 1669. The
pope is seated on a throne very similar to that
of Innocent X (1644-55), which is still in the
pontifical villa at Castel Gandolfo. The pope
wears the violet camauro, mozzetta, and rochet,
and holds a book in his right hand; on the table
to his left is a sheet of paper inscribed with
Maratta's dedication, which Bellori (c. 1700, in
M. Piacentini, 1942, pp. 87-88) described as a
shrewd way of better reconciling himself with
the pope. The text, which differs slightly from
what Bellori reported, reads 'Alia Santita di Papa
Clemente IX da Carlo Maratti." This work was
not an official portrait, nor was it made for a
specific location; rather, it was painted in order
to comply with the pope's wish, as he felt death
approaching, to sit for his favorite artist.

According to Bellori, Clement IX asked to see
Maratta's portrait of the pope's nephew Cardi-
nal Giacomo Rospigliosi. Maratta, who had just
finished the picture, brought it to the pontiff, and,
after Clement had praised it, he asked the painter,
"When shall we have ours done? " To this pro-
posal Maratta responded, "Whenever it pleases
your Holiness." During the Carnival of 1669,
Maratta began the portrait at the monastery of
Santa Sabina on the Aventine, to which Clement
IX had, according to his custom, retired. Work
on the picture continued until Ash Wednesday,
but did not proceed smoothly due to the pope's
precarious health. On one occasion, as Maratta
was working, Clement grew faint and was in
danger of falling from his chair; the painter, who
was alone, had no choice but to rush forward
and offer him support. Given the pope's failing
health, only a few sittings were possible, and the
artist, having finished the face, completed the
rest of the picture at home. Maratta was for the
most part occupied with large altarpieces, and
portrait painting was a relatively minor aspect
of his oeuvre; nevertheless, he attained very high
levels of quality, as indicated by the patronage
accorded him.

The Portrait of Clement IX is among the finest
seventeenth-century Roman portraits. The only
precedents of equivalent quality are Van Dyck's
Portrait of Cardinal Bentivoglio and Velazquez's
Innocent X, which, according to H. Voss (1924,
p. 599), may have been Maratta's immediate
source. Schleier (1980, p. 223) finds Velazquez's

painting more expressive, and superior in its psy-
chological depth, while Maratta's is distinguished
by its monumentality and dignity; each captures
the essence of its subject. In Maratta's portrait the
chair is less strongly foreshortened, so that the
diagonal orientation of the figure and his ges-
ture are emphasized. The artist's conception, and
the palette that he has chosen, suggest the pope's
state of physical exhaustion; the characteriza-
tion is a masterpiece of psychological penetration.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. Voss, Die Malerei des Barock in Rom,
Berlin, 1924, p. 599; A. Porcella, MuseieGalleriePontificie,
Guida delta Pinacoteca Vaticana, Vatican City, 1933, p. 233;
M. Piacentini, he vite inedite del Bellori (c. 1700), I, Rome,
1942, pp. 87-90; R Bautier, "A propos d'un portrait du
Pape Clement IX au Musee de Bruxelles," in Pro Arte, V,
1946, pp. 3-7; A. Mezzetti, "Contributi a Carlo Maratti,"
in Rivista dell'lstituto Nazionaled'Archeologia e Storia dell' Arte,
n.s., IV, 1955, pp. 296-97, 345, no. 151; Bilder
vom Menschen (exhib. cat.), entry by E. Schleier, Berlin,
1980, pp. 223-24, no. 13.

167

DONATO CRETI (Cremona 1671-Bologna
1749)

A-H. THE ASTRONOMICAL
OBSERVATIONS

1711

The origin of Creti's astronomical scenes is asso-
ciated with an unusual but shrewd idea on the
part of Creti's patron, Count Luigi Ferdinando
Marsili (1658-1730): with these paintings he
hoped to convince the Albani pope, Clement
XI (1700-1721), to support the construction of
an observatory in Bologna. In 1703, Marsili — a
soldier, passionate naturalist, and dilettante
astronomer — had an observatory constructed in
his own palazzo; he entrusted the operation of

the observatory, furnished with the most mod-
ern equipment, to the mathematician Eustachio
Manfredi (1674-1739). In 1709, Marsili's family,
opposing his plan to donate the entire complex
to the city of Bologna, refused to renounce their
claims to the property.

Marsili then dismantled the observatory, but
again he offered the equipment to the Bolognese
Senate on the condition that the Senate provide
for the construction of a new observatory and

90 A. THE ASTRONOMICAL

OBSERVATIONS: THE SUN

1711

Oil on canvas

Height, 20 l A " (51. 5 cm); width, 13 } A " (35 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 432

This work was restored in 1973. It represents
the observation of the sun, which is seen at its
most brilliant, through a telescope resting on an
adjustable shelf that is mounted on a stand. One
of the three astronomers holds a piece of paper
on which the image of the sun is projected.

90 B. THE ASTRONOMICAL

OBSERVATIONS: THE MOON

1711

Oil on canvas

Height, 20 'A " (51.5 cm); width, 13 % " (35 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 433

This canvas represents the observation of the
full moon, seen low on the horizon, with craters
and seas clearly visible. One of the two astrono-
mers looks at it through a telescope supported
on a pedestal.

168

furnish a home for the Istituto delle Scienze that
he had founded. The money needed for the proj-
ect was lacking in the civic coffers, and, since
Bologna was under pontifical authority, the Sen-
ate decided to seek from the pope not only his
approval but also the necessary means to imple-
ment the work. Marsili decided to send the pope
the plans and documentation, as well as a visual
demonstration of the discoveries of such an as-
tronomical observatory. Creti, then at the height

of his fame, thus was commissioned to paint
eight landscapes to which, following Manfredi's
instructions, the miniaturist Raimondo Manzini
would add the five planets then known, the sun,
the moon, and a comet; these would be shown
as if seen through a telescope — which explains
their abnormal dimensions with respect to the
landscape. In addition, Creti would depict as-
tronomers working with the equipment to be
housed in the new observatory.

Manfredi advised the count, in a letter of
August 30, 1711, that Creti had begun work.
Toward the end of the year he finished the
paintings, for, shortly afterward, Marsili brought
them to Rome. He obtained the support he was
hoping for (although the pope did not approve
another project that he had sponsored — a plan
for geographic reform). On January 11, 1712,
the count donated to the city his natural history
specimens and scientific instruments; in 1714,

90 C. THE ASTRONOMICAL

OBSERVATIONS: JUPITER

1711

Oil on canvas

Height, 20 A " (51.5 cm); width, 13 3 A " (35 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 437

This picture was restored in 1973. It represents
the nighttime observation of Jupiter by two
astronomers; next to them is a long telescope
raised on a standard. On the surface of the planet
are the six major bands and, above the center,
the great red spot as it appears in a refracting
telescope; three of Jupiter's moons, aligned on
the same plane, are also visible.

90 D. THE ASTRONOMICAL

OBSERVATIONS: SATURN

1711

Oil on canvas

Height, 20 'A " (51.5 cm); width, 13 3 A " (35 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 438

This painting represents the observation of
Saturn. Although the setting is a daylight land-
scape, in reality, Saturn is only visible at night.
In the middle ground are the astronomers, next
to a tall standard at the top of which is a hori-
zontal bar used to hold an aerial telescope with-
out tubes. The kneeling man looks through a
tubular instrument, probably part of the aerial
telescope. Saturn is represented imprecisely and
with only one ring.

169

the Istituto was established in the Palazzo Poggi
(with Manfredi as director), and, in 1725, con-
struction was completed on the adjoining ob-
servatory, which was designed by G. A. Torri.

The eight Astronomical Observations document
the results of Creti's study of Venetian painting,
and of the work of Marco Ricci. As R. Roli notes
(1979, p. 59), Creti gives more than a pre-
Enlightenment report on astronomical instru-

ments: he also records a fascinating situation.
In the transition from preparatory drawing to
finished painting, Manfredi's instruments are di-
minished in prominence as they are absorbed
into the landscape; this certainly did not meet
with the astronomer's approval, but, rather, with
the patron's and the pope's. After their presenta-
tion to Clement XI, the Astronomical Observations
remained in the Vatican, where they may have

decorated the pontifical apartments. At the be-
ginning of the twentieth century, they were at
Castel Gandolfo and, in 1932, when the Pinaco-
teca finally opened its doors to eighteenth-
century paintings, the pictures became part of the
gallery of Pius XI. All were exhibited in Bologna
in 1979; Jupiter and The Moon were also exhib-
ited in Bordeaux in 1959.

EM,

90 E. THE ASTRONOMICAL

OBSERVATIONS: VENUS

1711

Oil on canvas

Height, 20 ! A " (51.5 cm); width, 13 3 A " (35 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 435

This work was restored and transferred to canvas
in 1969. It represents the observation of Venus
at dawn, with two astronomers occupying the
middle ground. Next to them, partially hidden
by a tree, is a quadrant supported on a pedestal.

90 E THE ASTRONOMICAL
OBSERVATIONS: MARS

1711

Oil on canvas

Height, 20 'A " (51. 5 cm); width, 13 } A " (35 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 436

The painting was restored in 1973. Despite the
very clear sky, it represents the nocturnal obser-
vation of Mars. Slightly more than half of the
planet is visible. The apparatus used in the ob-
servation appears at the edge of the painting,
next to the three astronomers.

170

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Porcella, Musei e Gallerie Pontificie,
Guida della Pinacoteca Vaticana, Vatican City, 1933, pp.
223-24; La dkouverte de la lumiere des Primitifs aux
Impressionistes (exhib. cat.), entries by G. Martin-Mery,
Bordeaux, 1959, p. 78, nos. 147-48; R. Roli, Donato Creti,
Milan, 1967, pp. 31-32, 96, nos. 83-90; L Arte del Settecento
Emiliano. La pittura (exhib. cat.), entry by R. Roli, Bologna,
1979, p. 59, nos. 92-99; S. A. Bedini, "The Vatican's As-
tronomical Paintings," in Proceedings of the Eleventh Lunar
and Planetary Science Conference, I, 1980, pp. xiii-xxiii.

90 G. THE ASTRONOMICAL

OBSERVATIONS: MERCURY

Oil on canvas

Height, 20 'A " (51.5 cm); width, 13 3 A " (35 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 434

The painting represents the observation of
Mercury, of which slightly more than half can
be seen. In the foreground, two astronomers are
engaged in discussion; next to them is a quad-
rant raised on a pedestal.

90 H. THE ASTRONOMICAL

OBSERVATIONS: THE COMET

1711

Oil on canvas

Height, 20 >A " (51.5 cm); width, 13 >A " (35 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 439

This work was transferred to canvas and restored
in 1969. It depicts the passage of a comet, a
phenomenon unnoticed by the woman seated
in the foreground. The representation of the heav-
enly body is not based on direct observation by
the miniaturist; the comet was probably drawn
from sketches that Manfredi made during the
passage of two comets in 1702.

171

GIUSEPPE MARIA CRESPI (Bologna

1665-1747)
THE HOLY FAMILY

c. 1735-40
Oil on canvas

Height, 23 'A" (59 cm); width, 11 Vie " (44 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 388

This canvas was restored in 1982; in a previous
cleaning the surface had been abraded and the
fingers of the Madonna's right hand severely
damaged. The painting was first exhibited in
the seventeenth-century room in the Pinacoteca
in 1924-25 (B. Biagetti, 1924-25, p. 483); it
came from the collection of the Cherubini -
Menchetti family, who may have given it to Pius
XI in 1923, at the time that the pope granted
them a noble title.

X-radiographs taken during the most recent
restoration show that Crespi originally conceived
the composition in a slightly different manner;
in the finished picture Joseph holds a cane, while
in the preliminary version he raised the Madon-
na's veil, probably to better illuminate her weep -
ing face. The Madonna with the Sleeping Child
in the Tinozzi Collection in Bologna is similar
in composition, although it is limited to only
two figures (M. Pajes Merriman, 1980, fig. 31).
The theme of the Holy Family was often treated
by Crespi between 1720 and 1740. The Vatican
picture, small in dimensions and with only three

figures, seems to be one of the later versions,
datable between 1735 and 1740 (M. Pajes
Merriman, 1980, pp. 256-57). Crespi focuses
on the sorrowful meditation of the Virgin as she
contemplates the future of her Son. He holds a
cross, the symbol of his sacrifice, and raises his
right hand to caress his mother affectionately;
behind them, Joseph, an indistinct presence,
emerges from the shadows.

The melancholy mood is underscored by the
Virgin's gesture and by the dramatic use of light.
Here, the illumination comes from two sources,
much as in the contemporary Lamentation
beneath the Cross(d. M. Pajes Merriman, 1980,
fig. 63). The cross held by the infant Jesus is a
post-Tridentine motif that was often employed
in Emilian painting of the late sixteenth century.
Crespi uses it in his small oval Holy Family in
Ascoli Piceno, as well, but there it appears as a
shining object without the tragic overtones of
the Vatican canvas. Another oval picture that
faithfully repeats many details of the Vatican
painting was published by F. Arcangeli ("Due
inediti di G. M. Crespi," in Paragone, III, no. 25,
1952, pp. 46-47, pi. 30) as a work by Crespi; it
is thought by M. Pajes Merriman (1980, p. 257)
to be by his workshop.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: B. Biagetti, "Relazione IV," in Rmdkonti
della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, III,
1924-25, p. 483; A. Porcella, Musei e Gallerie Pontificie,
Guida della Pinacoteca Vaticana, Vatican City, 1933, p. 194;
La dkouverte de la lumiere des Primitifs awe Impressionistes
(exhib. cat.), entry by G. Martin-Miry, Bordeaux, 1959,
p. 32, no. 59; M. Pajes Merriman, Giuseppe Maria Crespi,
Milan, 1980, pp. 256-57, no. 76.

GIUSEPPE MARIA CRESPI (Bologna 1665-
1747)

PORTRAIT OF BENEDICT XTV (1740-58)
1740

Oil on canvas

Height, 102 % " (260 cm); width, 70 % " (180 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 458

This canvas, which was lined and restored in
1981, had suffered three tears, two in the lower
part and one above the right shoulder of the
pope; these were repaired long ago by patching
the reverse side. Before cleaning, the painting
was in excellent condition, although the surface
was clouded by oxidation. With cleaning it has
regained its original freshness.

Crespi depicts Benedict XIV (Lambertini; bom
1675, died 1758), founder of the Museo Sacro
(1756) in the Vatican Library and of the Galleria
Lapidaria, an enlightened pontiff whom the
painter knew well. Benedict wears a white
rochet, a deep-red mozzetta, and a papal stole
and camauro. He has just gotten up from his
worktable, on which are a book, papers, ink-
wells, a triple-crown tiara — another papal
emblem — and a sketch of an altar with an altar-
piece of the Madonna and Child, a kneeling
saint, and angels. A figure in a cassock lifts a
curtain, revealing bookshelves containing the
volumes of Lambertini's work on canonization,
and, on one shelf, several open books and the
plan for a public building. The sketch and the
plan probably refer to projects completed in Bo-
logna while Lambertini was cardinal: the resto-
ration of the Seminario Maggiore; and Donato
Creti's altarpiece for Saint Peter's, which he him-
self may have commissioned, as Elisabeth Kieven
has suggested.

The portrait was discovered in 1932 by A.
Porcella in the Sala dei Foconi of the Vatican
palace and exhibited in the Pinacoteca that year;
it is among the best-documented paintings in
the collection, for Crespi's son Luigi recounts its
history in his Vite de' pittori bolognesi . . . (1771,
pp. 219-20), the details of which are confirmed
by the correspondence among Crespi, the pope,
and his secretary of state, Cardinal Valenti Gon-
zaga (T. Valenti, 1938, pp. 15-31). The portrait
had been commissioned by Lambertini, perhaps
in 1739, for the Seminario Maggiore. A splen-
did sketch, which is generally dated 1739, in
the Collezioni Comunali d'Arte in Bologna (M.
Pajes Merriman, 1980, p. 288), shows him in
skullcap, white mozzetta, rochet, red surplice,
and cappa magna, with the square red cardinal's
biretta on the table. When, on August 17, 1740,
Lambertini became pope, the vice-legate of Bo-
logna asked if the portrait should remain in the
seminary or follow Lambertini to Rome. On Sep-
tember 10, Crespi wrote for instructions, letting
it be known that he preferred the second solution,
if only because he hoped to gain favor for him-
self and his family. Initially, Benedict was against
this, and his opinion was conveyed to Crespi by
Cardinal Gonzaga on September 24; at the begin-
ning of October, however, once Benedict heard
that the painting was still in the studio of the
artist, who was dressing it like a pope (T. Valenti,

172

1938, p. 24), the pontiff decided to have the
portrait brought to Rome. On October 26, it was
finished and dispatched and, on November 2,
Benedict asked Valenti to inform Crespi of the
pope' s satisfaction with it, and of his nomina-
tion as painter to the pope. Benedict also prom-
ised to find a position for Crespi's son Luigi.

The documentation concerning the portrait
has been confirmed by the X-radiographs made
during its restoration, which revealed that two
preliminary versions preceded the definitive one.
At first, the portrait was almost identical to the
sketch. In the intermediate stage, Crespi enlarged
the chair, adorning it with moldings and a tiara
with the papal keys, and replaced the biretta
with the triregnum. It is not clear whether the

substitution of the skullcap with the camauro
was the only change in the pope's clothing.
Finally, Crespi effected a much more radical
transformation by enlarging the dimensions of
the figure and further modifying the furnishings
and the clothing. In consequence, he heightened
the monumentality of the portrait and isolated
the pontiff at the center, endowing his sitter with
authority equal to his new position. Crespi em-
ploys a carefully modulated series of soft brown
and red tones, which give the whole an appro-
priate solemnity. The focal point is the intensely
expressive, thoughtful face of the pope, which
has as its counterpart the sharply characterized
profile — presumably a portrait — of his attendant.
The objects that surround Benedict XIV convey

his cultivated and refined nature, and the whole
is rendered with an ease of expression in broad,
sure brushstrokes — a testimony to the artist's
vitality, even in the last years of his life.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: L. Crespi, Vite de' pittori bolognesi non
descrittenella "Felsinapittrice," Bologna, 1771, pp. 219-20;
A. Porcella, "Un portrait de Benoit XIV a la Pinacotheque
Vaticane," in Illustrazione Vaticana, III, 1932, pp. 655-57;
T. Valenti, "Benedetto XIV e Giuseppe Maria Crespi detto
'lo Spagnolo,' pittore bolognese," in L'Archiginnasio,
XXXIII, 1938, pp. 15-31; R. Roli, Pittura bolognese 1650-
1800: Dal Cignani ai Gandolfi, Bologna, 1977, p. 171; M.
Pajes Merriman, Giuseppe Maria Crespi, Milan, 1980, pp.
288-89, no. 190.

173

POMPEO BATONI (Lucca 1708-Rome 1787)

PORTRAIT OF PIUS VI (1775-99)

1775

Oil on canvas

Height, 54 Vs " (138 cm); width, 37 'Vie" (96 cm)
Pinacoteca, Inv. no. 455

This picture, restored in 1975, is in excellent con-
dition. It comes from the storerooms of the
Floreria Apostolica and was first exhibited in the
Pinacoteca in 1932; it may always have been part
of the pontifical collections. The portrait repre-
sents the Braschi pope, Pius VI (1717-1799), who
was responsible for the completion of the Museo
Clementino and the creation of the first Vatican
Pinacoteca. The pope is seated on a throne dec-
orated with his coat of arms; he wears a rochet,
mozzetta, and stole, and a white cap — Pius VI
was the first pope portrayed in this dress — with-
out the camauro, which is on the adjacent table,
next to a large clock of polychromed porcelain.
The painting is a sketch, although the clock

was executed carefully with attention to detail.
An identical but more highly finished version
(in the Museo di Roma) is inscribed by the artist:
Alia Santita di N.ro Sig.re Papa Pio VI Per P
Batoni Pinxit 1775. The attribution of the Vati-
can picture to Batoni is therefore also assured
(formerly the work had been given to Anton
Raphael Mengs), as is the date, 1775 — the year
of Pius VI's election as pope. A replica is in the
Galleria Sabauda in Turin and another version
is in the Muzeum Narodowe in Warsaw. The
fresh, sketch-like quality and the high level of
execution of the Vatican picture suggest — as
noted by G. Incisa della Rocchetta (1957, p.
4) — that this was the portrait that Batoni paint-
ed from life, and that it became the model for
various replicas, which are attributable either to
the artist himself, or to his workshop. With such
portraits Batoni achieved popular success in his
own time; the technique — precise and elegant,
yet rather cold — is typical of his style.

EM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Incisa della Rocchetta, "II ritratto di
Pio VI del Batoni al Museo di Roma," in Bollettino dei
Musei Comunali di Roma, IV, 1957, pp. 1-4; Mostra di Pompeo
Batoni (exhib. cat.), entry by I. Belli Barsali, Lucca, 1967,
p. 160.

174

MUSEO
GREGORIANO
EGIZIO

The history of the collections of the Museo
Gregoriano Egizio is intricately linked with two
waves of Egyptomania that occurred about two
thousand years apart. The first of these waves
reached the shores of Italy during the time of
the Roman Republic and continued well into
the period of the Roman Empire. Among those fascinated by
Egypt's charms were the poet Catullus, the rogue Clodius,
and the general Pompey.

Repeatedly, during the first century B.C., the Oriental
cult of the Egyptian goddess Isis was officially banned in
Rome, only to become public again. The conflict between
Republican mores and imported Orientalism came to a head
at the Battle of Actium in 31 B.C., when the Roman forces of
Octavian, the future Emperor Augustus (27 b.c.-a.d. 14),
collided with the might of Egypt, led by Cleopatra VII and her
paramour, Mark Antony. Despite Cleopatra's defeat, many
Roman citizens remained enthralled with Egypt. The poet
Propertius, writing during the principate of Augustus, created
an intensely personal poem about his feelings toward the
cult of Isis. Augustus himself, who banned Egyptian culture
in an attempt to eradicate the memory of Mark Antony,
nevertheless was responsible for removing obelisks and
other monuments from Egypt, transporting them across the
Mediterranean Sea, and reerecting them in the Eternal City.

Augustus's lead was followed by other Roman emperors,
notably the Flavian Domitian (a.d. 81-96), whose villa at
Paola Lagoon and temple at Beneventum were adorned with
objects imported from Egypt and with Roman works made
in an Egyptianizing fashion. Domitian's passion was surpassed
only by that of the Roman Emperor Hadrian (a.d. 117-38),
who constructed the Canopus, an architectural complex that
was a personal evocation of the Egypt that he loved, as part
of his villa near Tivoli.

The Fall of Rome in the fourth century, the concomitant
rise of Christianity, and the gradual abandonment of ancient
sites in Italy contributed to a break with the traditions of

Egypt in the West. Egyptian monuments in Italy remained
under the earth until they were discovered in modern times,
giving birth to the science of Egyptology.

That birth was spectacularly assisted by the Frenchman
Jean Francois Champollion, who in 1818 announced that
he had deciphered the ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs, based
on the texts found on the Rosetta Stone. It was Champollion's
subsequent relationship with the Holy See that inaugurated
the second wave of Roman Egyptomania and paved the way
for the founding of the Museo Gregoriano Egizio.

This relationship began with Pope Pius VII (1800-1823)
and Pope Leo XII (1823-29). Under their pontificates, the
Vatican acquired a collection of Egyptian papyri from the
Franciscan missionary Angelo da Pofi and from Giovanni
Battista Belzoni, a circus strongman turned adventurer who
was the first European, in 1817, to enter the burial chamber
of the pyramid of Chephren at Giza and who, that same
year, discovered the tomb of Seti I in the Valley of the Kings.
The care of the papyrus collection was entrusted to Angelo
Mai (1782-1854), Prefect of the Vatican Library. Aware of
Champollion's theories, Mai invited him to Rome to work
on the papyri at a time when antagonism toward the
Frenchman was strongest. Abbot Michelangelo Lanci
(1779-1867) condemned Champollion's findings as false
since, in the abbot's opinion, they contradicted the Bible.
Notwithstanding the protestations of Lanci, Champollion
studied the Vatican papyri, and, in the spring of 1825, he
was summoned to an audience with Pope Leo XII.

The farsighted Mai used his newly formed friendship
with Champollion to advantage, and the Frenchman was
soon introduced to both the enthusiastic young Orientalist
Ippolito Rosellini (1800-1843) and the Barnabite Father
Luigi Maria Ungarelli (1779-1845), an accomplished
philologist. In 1828, Champollion and Rosellini embarked
on a joint Franco-Italian archaeological survey in Egypt,
eventually publishing their results in the opus / monumenti
dell'Egitto e della Nubia (5 vols., Pisa, 1832-44).

175

FIG. 37. A FORMER INSTALLATION OF THE MUSEO GREGORIANO EGIZIO, WITH PAINTINGS OF EGYPTIAN LANDSCAPES ON THE WALLS

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Ca-
maldolese monk Bartolomeo Alberto Cappellari (1765-1846)
was in residence at the Curia Romana, the central admin-
istrative body of the Catholic Church, and, in 1826, he was
appointed by Pope Leo XII to the post of Cardinal and
Prefect of Propaganda Fide. Mauro, as Cappellari was named,
was renowned for his intelligence and for his open-mindedness
on many of the issues of the day, both secular and clerical.
Having attentively followed the early disputes between
Champollion and his detractors, Mauro developed a passion
for Egyptology. On February 12, 1831, he was elected pope
and took the name Gregory XVI. His fascination with
Egyptology, along with his interest in the humanities in
general — spawned by the controversial theological implica-
tions of the latest Egyptological scholarship — imbued him
with a keen desire to build several archaeological collections
that would enhance the public's understanding of the Bible.

On February 2, 1837, Gregory XVI founded the Museo
Etrusco in the Vatican. He also conceived of a similar museum
for Egyptian antiquities, and he asked Rosellini to assist him
in its establishment. Rosellini, preoccupied with the work
of the Franco-Italian expedition, declined the offer, but he
highly recommended Ungarelli. As a result, Ungarelli was
appointed curator of the soon-to-be-opened Museo Egizio,
along with Giuseppe Fabris, who was at that time director
general of the Vatican Museums. Ungarelli and Fabris, in
consultation with Gregory XVI, planned and designed the
exhibition space. The objects to be housed and shown in the
new museum were to come from various collections in and
around Rome that were familiar to the pope.

The core of the Egyptian museum's collections came
from the Vatican's own holdings, established by Pope Clem-
ent XIV (1769-74) and enriched by Pius VI (1775-99). In-
cluded were Egyptian objects that had been discovered at the
ancient Roman sites of Paola Lagoon and Hadrian's Villa
near Tivoli. These were augmented by purchases from Carlo
De Assule of Izmir and by objects from the basement of the

Biblioteca Casanatense, as well as from the Villa Borghese
and the Villa Farnesina. A small but significant number of
pieces came from the Museo Kircheriano, which had been
founded by the Jesuit scholar Athanasius Kircher ( 1601 -1680) .
Kircher contributed to the progress of Egyptology with his
brilliant suggestion that the Coptic language used by the Early
Christians in ancient Egypt was a very late stage of the hiero-
glyphic language. Further purchases were made for the Egyp-
tian museum on the Italian art market. Both Pope Pius VII
and Pope Leo XII, for example, bought objects from the anti-
quarians Filippo and Pietro Cavazzi, Giuseppe Basseggio, and
Silvestro Guidi.

With a substantial collection already in the possession
of the Vatican, Gregory XVI arranged for the transfer of addi-
tional Egyptian objects from the Capitoline museums, the
Horti Sallustiani on the Pincio, and the Temple of Isis in the
Campus Martius. The continued explorations at Hadrian's
Villa yielded even more finds, and further purchases, among
them those made in Egypt by Guidi, rounded out the
museum's holdings (fig. 37).

The systematic acquisition of available works of art, and
a competent staff headed by Ungarelli and Fabris, made it
possible for the Vatican's Museo Egizio, with its newly de-
signed space, to be opened by Pope Gregory XVI in February
1839. Known today as the Museo Gregoriano Egizio, in honor
of its guiding spirit, the museum was the first in Europe to be
established solely for the purposes of displaying and promot-
ing an understanding of Egyptian art. It is a fitting tribute to
Gregory XVI that some of the objects that he personally se-
lected for the Vatican's collections were included in the Ameri-
can exhibition. . . „

Christian Sturtewagen, S.J.,

and Robert S. Bianchi

BIBLIOGRAPHY: 0. Marucchi, // Museo Egizio Vaticano, Rome, 1899; Miscellanea
Gregoriana, Vatican City, 1941; G. Botti and R Romanelli, Lesculture del Museo Gregoriano
Egizio, Vatican City, 1951; M. Malaise, Inventaire preliminaire des documents egyptiens
dkouverts en Italie, Leiden, 1972; A. Roullet, The Egyptian and Egyptianizing Monu-
ments of Imperial Rome, Leiden, 1972.

176

TORSO OF THE EGYPTIAN PHARAOH
NECTANEBO I

Dynasty XXX (380-342 b. c); reign of Nectanebo I

(380-362 B.C.)
Nepi (?), township of Latium
Black granite
Height, 31 W (80 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Egizio, Inv. no. 22671

Nectanebo I was the founder of Egypt's last na-
tive dynasty, the Thirtieth. He secured his nation's
frontiers and ensured peace and prosperity by
defeating the combined forces of Persia, com-
manded by Phamabazus, and Greek mercenaries,
led by Iphikrates. The reign of Nectanebo I in-
augurated a flowering of the arts, especially
sculpture in the round, as exemplified by this
torso.

The torso is damaged on the right side, and
the limbs and the head are lost. The modeling is
strong, carefully executed, and lively. Tradition-
ally, Egyptian craftsmen rendered the male torso
in bipartition, focusing on the pectoral and lower
abdominal regions while glossing over the rib-
cage area in between. Here, however, the torso
is modeled in tripartition, with each of the three
component elements — pectoral region, rib-
cage, and lower abdomen — clearly defined by
merging planes that are particularly evident
along the body's symmetrical axis and in the
treatment of the teardrop- shaped navel. Such
tripartition is infrequently encountered in early
Egyptian sculpture but becomes more firmly
established in the art of Dynasty XXVI (664-
525 b.c). In an attempt to rediscover their heri-
tage, the artists of Dynasty XXX used sculptures
from Dynasty XXVI as their models. This archa-
istic tendency kept artistic traditions alive and
provided Nectanebo I with a sculptural vocabu-
lary, based on Egyptian classical norms, that vi-
sually linked his creations — and, by extension,
his political policies — to the glorious achieve-
ments of Dynasty XXVI.

The torso is not merely a shallow evocation
of the past. The pleating of the kilt is innovatively
treated as a series of sharply ribbed scallops — a
stylistic feature peculiar to Dynasty XXX. The
belt represents a beaded web with a buckle
shaped like a cartouche, or royal ring, and con-
tains the hieroglyphs for the king's name. The
treatment of the buttocks and of the thighs
emerging from beneath the kilt attests to the
artist's skill in revealing flesh beneath fabric. The
inscriptions on the back pillar, which displays
the names and partially preserved titles of
Nectanebo I, translate as: "The Horus, The One
Strong of Arm, The One Who Belongs to the
Two Ladies, The One Who Makes Flourish the
Two Lands, The Horus of Gold, The One Be-
loved of the Eye of the Gods, The King of Upper
and of Lower Egypt, Kheper-ka-ra, The Son of
Ra, Nectanebo I."

The provenance of this torso is not known. It
was donated by the township of Latium to Pope
Gregory XVI in 1838, one year before the Vati-
can's Egyptian museum was opened.

C.S., R.S.B.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Botti and F Romanelli, Le sculture
del Museo Gregoriano Egizio, Vatican City, 1951, pp. 10-12;
J. J. Gere, "A propos de l'ordre de succession des rois de
la XXX 1 ' dynastie," in Revue d'Egyptologie, 8, 195 1, pp. 25-29;
C. Pietrangeli, "La provenienza dei monumenti del Museo
Egizio Vaticano," in G. Botti and P. Romanelli, op. cit., p.
136, n. 21; W. C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt, I, New York,
1953, p. 180, fig. 110; B. V. Bothmer, H, De Meulenaere,
and H.W. Miiller, Egyptian Sculpture of the Late Period,
Brooklyn, 1960, pp. xxxv, 10, 20, 54, 60, 68, 94, 95-96,
102, 103, 105, 112, 114-16, 127, 177; H. De Meulenaere,
"Une Statue de pretre heliopolitan," in Bulletin de llnstitut
Francais d'Arche'ologie Orientale, 61, 1962, p. 39; E.

Bresciani, "Egypt and the Persian Empire," in The Greeks
and Persians, trans. P. Johnson, ed. H. Bengston, New York,
1968, pp. 348-49; B. V. Bothmer, "Apotheosis in Late Egyp-
tian Sculpture," in Kemi, 20, 1970, pp. 46-47; C. Vander-
sleyen, Das alte Aegypten, Berlin, 1975, pp. 261-63; R. S.
Bianchi, "Ex-Votos of Dynasty XXVI," in Mitteilungen des
Deutschen Archdologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo, 35,

1979, p. 15; C. Aldred, "Statuaire," in L'Egypte du crepuscule,
ed. J. Leclant, Paris, 1980, pp. 156-60; H. De Meulenaere,
"Nektanebo I," in Lexikon der Aegyptologie, 4, Wiesbaden,

1980, pp. 450-51; W. Stevenson Smith, The Art and Ar-
chitecture of Ancient Egypt.ed. W. Kelly Simpson, 2nd rev. ed.,
New York, 1981, pp. 418-22.

177

A, B. PAIR OF LIONS, INSCRIBED FOR
PHARAOH NECTANEBO I

Dynasty XXX (380-342 b. c); reign of Nectanebo I

(380-362 B.C.)
Originally from Tell Baqliya, Egypt; discovered at

the Pantheon in Rome
Gray granite with red veining
Height, each, 28 VS (73 cm); width (A), 72 %"

(185 cm), (B), 77 Vi" (197 cm); depth, each,

9 Vie" (24 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Egizio, Inv. nos. 22676, 22677

From very early times the lion symbolized might
and power to the ancient Egyptians, character-
istics that made it an eminently suitable motif
to adorn the entrances to temples, where it func-
tioned as a formidable guardian, warding off
evil from the sacred precincts. Recent investiga-
tions suggest that the Vatican lions originally
were erected before the gateway to a temple at
the site of Tell Baqliya, in honor of Nectanebo
I, for whom they are inscribed. It is assumed
that both lions were subsequently transported
to Rome, possibly by order of the Emperor
Augustus. The lions were later installed in front
of the Pantheon, where they were discovered in
the twelfth century. In 1586, they were trans-
ferred to the fountain of the Acqua Felice, remain-
ing there until Pope Gregory XVI removed them
to the Vatican's Museo Egizio. During the nine-
teenth century, the lions frequently were copied
in the West, where they had been long known
and greatly admired. As early as the thirteenth
century, they had been used in Rome as models
for the various lions carved by the Cosmati; in
1865, replicas of the Vatican lions decorated the
Fontaine des Innocents in Paris.

A matched set, the lions are mirror images of
each other. They represent the high level of artis-
tic achievement that occurred under Nectanebo
I, whose craftsmen, in accord with the archaistic
tendencies of the time, selected a prototype that
is best exemplified by the earlier Prudhoe lions,
now in the British Museum. As with the torso
of Nectanebo I (see cat. no. 94), these lions are
not shallow reflections of the prototype. They
combine naturalistic detail with an abstract
compositional framework that resembles that of
the Prudhoe lions. Each lion's pose is an ac-
centuated C-shaped curve, the head and rear
haunches pulled forward toward the front of the
plinth. This arrangement is best appreciated by
viewing the lions from above. Their heads are
rendered in frontal view and the forepaws are
crossed, as are those of the Prudhoe lions.
Whereas on the Prudhoe lions the rear paws lie
flat, here they are drawn up next to the animals'
bodies and their undersides can be seen. The
tails, which rest in front of the plinths, act as
compositional devices directing the spectator's
gaze along the gateway's main axis. Originally,
the lions would have been erected flanking that
axis, with their heads juxtaposed.

Within this abstract arrangement, the sculp-
tors have drawn certain details from nature. The
inverted pear shape of the lion's head, which is
framed by incisions delineating the mane and
the tuft of fur at the top; the modeling of the

musculature of ihe paws; the representation of
the rib-cage area; and the treatment and place-
ment of the genitals are handled far more natu-
ralistically than in their counterparts on the
Prudhoe lions. Both the tail and the shen-sign
project into the spectator's space. The shen-sign,
which represents the cartouche, or royal ring,
in its original circular form, is depicted in relief
on the top and the side of the plinth, and ap-
pears to be kept from falling by the lion's upper
paw. Such an interest in the third dimension is
parallel to, but quite independent of, the treat-
ment of space in the works of the classical sculp-
tors of the fourth century b.c.

The inscriptions around the plinth of lion (A)
read: "The Living Honus, The One Strong of Ann,

The One Who Belongs to the Two Ladies, The
One Who Causes the Two Lands to Flourish,
The Horus of Gold, The One Who Does That
Which the Gods Love, The King of Upper and
of Lower Egypt, The Lord of the Two Lands,
Kheper-ka-ra, The Son of Ra, The Lord of the
Diadems, Nectanebo, May He Live Eternally,
The One Who Is Beloved of the God Ptah in the
City of Rehwey" — a shortened version of which
is found around the plinth of the other lion,

C. S>, R.S.B.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. A. Wallis Budge, Egyptian Sculpture
in the British Museum, London, 1914, pi. XXV; G. Rocder,
"Freie RundbiSder von Lowen aus Aegypten," in Miscellanea
Gregoriana, Vatican City, 1941, pp. 179-92; U Schweitzer,
Lowe und Sphinx im alten Aegypten. Gliickstadt, 1948; G.
Botti and R Romandli, Le sculiure del Museo Gregoriano
Bgizto. Vatican City, 1951, pp. 14-18; C. Pietrangeli, "La
provenienza dei monumenti del Museo Egizio Vaticano,"
in G. Botti and P. Romanelli, op. dt, p. 136, notes 26, 27;
H. W. Miiller, "Lowcnskulpiuren In der Aegyptisehen
Sammlung des Bayerischen Staues," it) Miinchner Jahr-
buch der bildenden Kunst. 16, 1965. pp. 7-46; P. Humbert,
"Les Monuments egyptiens et egyptisants de Paris," in
Bulletin de la Societe Francaise d'Egyptologie, 62, 1971, pp.
9-29; A. Roullet, The Egyptian and Egyptianizing Monu-
ments of Imperial Rome, Leiden, 1972, pp. I 3 1-32; A.
Eggebrecht, "Baklija," in Lex ikon der Aegypwlogie, !,
Wiesbaden, 1975, p. 606; R.S. Bianchi, "Two Ex-Votos
from the Scbennytic Group," in The Society for the Study
of Egyptian Antiquities Journal, II, 1981, pp. 31-36; C. De
Wit, Le Role et le sens du lion dans I'Egypte ana'enne. 2nd
ed., Luxor, n.d.; A.-E Zivie, Hermopolis et le name de I'ibis,
Cairo, n.d., pp. 122—26.

ANTHROPOMORPHIC
REPRESENTATION OF THE APIS BULL

Late Dynastic period (656-332 b. c.)- Early Ptolemaic

period (332-250 b. c.)
From the Collection of Francesco Piranesi
Dark granite with red veining
Height, 29 n A 6 " (76cm)
Museo Gregoriano Egizio, Inv. no. 22808

As early as the Badarian culture (4000-3600
b.c.) of predynastic Egypt, the ancient Egyptians
interred bovines in their cemeteries, very often
alongside human corpses. Although the char-
acter of Egyptian bull cults changed over time,
by the Late Dynastic period the cult of Apis had
eclipsed all others. Shortly thereafter, adherents
of the cult could be found throughout the cities
of the Hellenistic and Roman worlds.

The Egyptians' great attraction to Apis was
rooted in the bull's fecundity and generative

powers, which, when transferred to the deceased,
would help to ensure his or her rebirth in the here-
after. From the Ramesside period (1320-1085
b.c.) on, the Apis bull was associated with the
god Ptah of Memphis and came to be regarded
as his earthly manifestation. As time passed, the
idea that Apis had a regenerative nature was
reinforced by other Egyptian myths, which linked
Apis with Osiris, the preeminent god of the dead.
In those tales, the goddess Isis was assisted by
Apis when she collected the dismembered re-
mains of her husband, Osiris, whose body had
been mutilated by the Typhonic deity Seth. The
association between Osiris and Apis was fur-
ther reinforced when the cults of Ptah-Sokar-
Osiris and Osiris-Apis were introduced by the
Egyptians themselves and, somewhat later, by
the Ptolemies.

Beginning in the Ramesside period, when an
Apis bull died it was accorded honors similar
to those bestowed upon a deceased pharaoh.
The bulls were buried at Memphis in the Serape-
um, a vast system of catacombs cut into the
limestone beneath the desert sands that still can
be visited. Immediately after the death of an Apis,
a committee of priests was appointed to search
Egypt for its successor, which was required to
exhibit twenty-nine characteristics. Among these
were a rich black coat intermingled with white
patches, and a triangular blaze on the forehead.
Once selected, the new Apis was enthroned in
his own palace, or Sikos, located to the south of
the temple of Ptah at Memphis.

This statue is a composite figure, a deity with
a bull's head joined to a human male torso. Be-
tween the homs is a sun disk, the top of which
is chipped. The deity wears a broad collar and a
kilt and holds a straight staff, or was-scepter,
surmounted by the head of an animal and sym-
bolizing the concepts of dominion and lordship.
Although it is not inscribed, the statue probably
represents an Apis bull.

The dating of stone sculptures of deities, dif-
ficult because there are so few for comparison,
is especially problematic in this case because
almost all depictions of Apis show him as a
striding bull rather than as an erect anthropo-
morphic figure. The stylistic peculiarities evident
in the kilt and in the treatment of the belt as a
pleated sash — with the pleats drawn close to-
gether at the buckle — are inconclusive as dating
criteria because these features also appear in
representations of a falcon-headed deity as-
signed to Dynasty XIX (1320-1200 b.c.) and of
a jackal -headed deity attributed to the Late Dy-
nastic period. On the other hand, the polished
surface, proportions of the head to the body, and
modeling of the torso conform to what is known
of the art of the Late Dynastic period and reflect
the canons of Dynasty XXX. These observations
are consistent with the fact that Apis has been
represented in a relief of the Late Dynastic or
Early Ptolemaic period as a bovine-headed, strid-
ing male figure holding a uw-scepter. The avail-
able evidence substantiates a date between 650
and 250 b.c. for this sculpture.

The statue was acquired in 1779 by Francesco
Piranesi, who, like his more famous father,
Giovanni Battista, strove to provide alternatives
to the predominantly classical tastes of his age.
He later sold the statue to the Vatican's Egyp-
tian museum.

C.S., R. S.B.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Daressy, Statues dedivinites, I, II, Cairo,
1906, p. 138, no. 38517, pi. XXX; C. Boreux, Aniiquiies
egyptiennes: Catalogue-guide, I, Paris, 1932, p. 172; G. Botti
and P. Romanclli, Le sculture del Museo Gregoriano Egizio,
Vatican City, 1951, pp. 104-5; C. Pietrangeli, "La prove-
nienza dei monumenti del Museo Egizio Vaticano," in G.
Botti and R Romanelli, op. cit., p. 140, n. 156; A. Herman,
"Der letzte Apisstier," in Jahrbuch fur Antike und
Christentum, 3, 1960, pp. 34-50; W. Kaiser, Aegyptisches
Museum, Berlin, Berlin, 1967, p. 90; E R. S. Moorey, Ancient
Egypt, Oxford, 1970, pp. 11, 14; A. Roullet, The Egyptian
and Egyptianizing Monuments of Imperial Rome, Leiden, 1972,
pp. 88, 90; J. E. Stambaugh, Serapis Under the Early
Ptolemies, Leiden, 1972, pp. 1-13; W. Hornbostel, Serapis,
Leiden, 1973, pp. 45, 50, 341, 369; G. J. F. Kater-Sibbes
and M. J. Vermaseren, Apis, I, Leiden, 1975, pi. XIX, passim,
II, Leiden, 1975, III, Leiden, 1977; D. Wildung, Imhotep
und Amenhotep, Munich, 1977, p. 41; E. Winter, Der
Apiskult im alten Aegypten, Mainz, 1978; M. Raven,
"Papyrus-Sheaths and Ptah-Sokar-Osiris Statues," in
Oudheidkundige mededelingen, 59-60, 1978-79, pp.
251-96.

A, B. DOUBLE HERM OF THE EGYPTIAN
GODDESS ISIS AND HER
OFFSPRING, THE APIS BULL

Hadrianic period (a. d. 117-38)

From Hadrian's Villa, near Tivoli

Black marble with white veining, and white

marble (horns)
Height, 19 1 Vie" (50cm)
Museo Gregoriano Egizio, Inv. no. 22807

The double herm, or bust, was a Greek inven-
tion that made use of surrounding space by forc-
ing the spectator to walk around the sculpture
in order to see the paired, complementary heads.
The viewer was thereby simultaneously made
to experience the double herm visually, as a cre-
ation in the round, and to intellectualize the the-
matic link between the heads.

This double herm has no inscription; it repre-
sents a female figure and a bovine. Stylistically,
the herm can be attributed to the Roman imperi-
al period. At that time it was customary to imbue
figures with a decidedly Egyptian flavor by add-
ing what were often incongruously rendered
Egyptianizing elements. It is clear from the treat-
ment of the female bust on this herm that its
Roman sculptors had access to Egyptian models,
through which they became acquainted with
typically Egyptian elements. The cold expres-
sion imparted by the upper eyelid passing over
the lower one, the undefined earlobes, and the
drilling of the comers of the mouth clearly ex-
hibit an Egyptianizing style, as do the broad
planes of the face and the smooth transitions
between these planes. The headdress also be-
trays a non-Egyptian hand, particularly in the
treatment of the overly narrow lappets, which
descend as broad ribbons to the tops of the
breasts. The bull's white marble horns (the rest
of the herm is made of black marble with white
veining) are visible when viewing the female
bust and are placed intentionally to create the
illusion that the horns spring from the female's
head. The lotus is a modern addition.

The head of the bull on the other side of the
herm is rendered in a more naturalistic fashion

180

than are representations of bulls in purely Egyp-
tian style. The close stylistic parallels between
this head and that of a bull in Alexandria, in-
scribed for Hadrian, assure a date in the second
century a.d. for this bust.

By the time of Nectanebo II (362-342 b.c),
the Egyptians had built a shrine at Saqqara to
the goddess Isis, mother of Apis. Before the re-
cent excavation of this shrine, its existence had
been suspected from the numerous ostraca and
graffiti excavated in the area, each alluding to
this manifestation of Isis. During the Roman pe-
riod, the cult of Isis eclipsed those of all other
Egyptian goddesses, and, in Italy, flourished de-
spite successive bans on its rites. The popularity
of Isis and of Apis in Roman spheres is well
documented, particularly in terracotta figurines
that depict Isis nursing her offspring, the Apis
bull. Therefore, it is not surprising to find a sculp-
tor in the employ of the Roman Emperor Hadri-
an creating a double herm of Isis and Apis.

The double bust was discovered during explo-
rations at Hadrian's Villa conducted by the Jesuits
during the reign of Benedict XIV (1740-58).
Subsequently exhibited in the Capitoline muse-
ums, the bust was transferred to the Vatican by

Gregory XVI in 1838 for the Egyptian museum.

C. S. r R. S. B.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Botti, "L'Apis de l'empereur Adrien
trouve dans le Serapeum d'Alexandrie," in Bulletin de la
Societe Archeologique d'Alexandrie, 2, 1899, pp. 27-36;
G. Botti and P Romanelli, Le sculture del Museo Gregoriano
Egizio, Vatican City, 1951, pp. 103-4; C. Pietrangeli, "La
provenienza dei monumenti del Museo Egizio Vaticano,"
in G. Botti and R Romanelli, op. cit., p. 140, n. 155; L.
Castiglione, "Kunst und Gesellschaft im romischen Aegyp-
ten," in Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae,
15, 1967, p. 128; W. B. Emery, "Preliminary Report on the
Excavations at North Saqqara, 1 966 - 7, " in Journal of Egyp-
tian Archaeology, 53, 1967, pp. 192-93, pi. XXII, figs. 1,
2; A. Roullet, The Egyptian and Egyptianizing Monuments
of Imperial Rome, Leiden, 1972, p. 90; R. E. Witt, Isis in
the Graeco-Roman World, London, 1972; F. Dunand, Le
Culte d'Isis dans le bassin oriental de la Mediterranee, I, II,
Leiden, 1973; G. T. Martin, "Excavations in the Sacred
Animal Necropolis at North Saqqara, 1971 -2 : Preliminary
Report," in Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 59, 1973, pp.
13-14; S. K. Heyob, The Cult of Isis Among Women in the
Graeco-Roman World, Leiden, 1975; G. J. F. Kater-Sibbes
and M. J. Vermaseren, Apis, I, Leiden, 1975, pi. LXV, pas-
sim; I. Becher, "Augustus und Dionysos — Ein Feindver-
haltnis?," in Zeitschrift fur aegyptische Sprache und Alter-
tumskunde, 103, 1976, pp. 88-101; H. Smith, "Preliminary
Report on Excavations in the Sacred Animal Necropolis,
Season 1974-1975," in Journal of Egyptian Archaeology,
62, 1976, pp. 16-17.

ANTINOUS (THE FAVORITE OF THE
ROMAN EMPEROR HADRIAN)

Hadrianic period (a.d. 117-38)

From Hadrian's Villa, near Tivoli

Parian marble

Height, 94 %" (241 cm)

Museo Gregoriano Egizio, Inv. no. 22795

The Roman Emperor Hadrian, perhaps best
known for his famous wall in Great Britain, was
enamored of Egypt and journeyed throughout
that country in a.d. 130. He was accompanied
by the handsome youth Antinous, who was a
native of the Roman province of Bithynia (now
northern Turkey) , on the Black Sea. During their
travels, an oracle predicted that Hadrian would
suffer a heavy loss. To avert harm from befalling
the emperor, Antinous took it upon himself to
fulfill the prophecy by drowning himself in
the Nile. The suicide is said to have occurred
near Sheikh Abada, about 170 miles south of

181

Cairo, where the Emperor Hadrian subsequently
founded the city of Antinoe to commemorate
the unfortunate event and to inaugurate the cult
of Antinous. Regarded in the context of ancient
Egypt's religious precepts, the deification of
Antinous becomes part of a long tradition where-
by divine rites were accorded those who per-
ished in the Nile. The Temple of Dendur, for
example, which was built during the reign of
the Roman Emperor Augustus, is dedicated in
part to Pihor and Pedesi, brothers who drowned
in the Nile and were later deified.

In an attempt to integrate the religious over-
tones of the deification of Antinous with the
classical beauty for which he was renowned,
the creators of this statue posed the youth in the
attitude of Polyclitan athletes, an attitude first
established in Greece during the fifth century
b.c. The weight of the figure is borne by the
firmly planted right leg. The stride adjusts the
musculature so that an S curve, or contrapposto,
results. This classical posture is slightly altered
by the atypical forward thrust of the chest, which
emphasizes the muscular physique of the youth.
The arms are held away from the sides of the
body, and the fists, like those depicted on statues
from pharaonic Egypt, clasp cylindrical objects
that are thought to represent rolled pieces of
linen. Marble struts connect the arms to the torso
at the level of the belt, and a tree trunk behind
the right leg supports the statue.

In a Greek or a Roman sculpture, such a clas-
sical stance, celebrating the beauty of a youth,
would normally have been reserved for a nude
figure. Here, however, the subject is clad in a
traditional Egyptian kilt and wears a headdress,
or nemes — an accessory usually associated with
pharaohs — in order to establish a connection
with Egypt. Absent from the headdress is the
royal cobra, or uraeus, an omission that is ap-
propriate to a person of nonroyal status. The
idealized face differs markedly from strictly clas-
sical depictions of Antinous, but the treatment
of the body is similar. The lack of the uraeus,
the Egyptian trappings, and the fact that the stat-
ue was found at Hadrian's Villa further support
the belief that the figure is a representation of
Antinous.

In 1742, Michilli donated the statue to Bene-
dict XIV (1740-58), who placed it in the Capi-
toline museums. It remained there until 1838,
when Pope Gregory XVI transferred it to the
Vatican for the Egyptian museum.

C.S., R. S.B.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Rowe, 'Antinous, the Favorite of
Hadrian," in Annates du Service des Antiquites de I'Egypte,
40, 1940, pp. 25-26; G. Botti and E Romanelli, Lesculture
MMuseo Gregoriano Egizio, Vatican City, 1951, pp. 95-97;
C. Pietrangeli, "La provenienza dei monumenti del Museo
Egizio Vaticano," in G. Botti and P. Romanelli, op. cit.,
pp. 138-39, n. 143; C. W Clairmont, Die Bildnisse des Anti-
nous, Rome, 1966; A. Roullet, The Egyptian and Egyptian-
izing Monuments of Imperial Borne, Leiden, 1972, p. 87;
K. Parlasca, "Osiris und Osirisglaube in der Kaiserzeit," in
Les SyncrHismes dans les religions grecque et romaine, Ven-
dome, 1973, pp. 96-97; H. G. Fischer, "An Elusive Shape
Within the Fisted Hands of Egyptian Statues," mMetropoli-
tan Museum Journal, 10, 1975, pp. 9-21; G. Poethke,
"Antinoos," in Lexikon derAegyptobgie, I, Wiesbaden, 1975,
pp. 323-25; J. Quaegebeur, "Les 'Saints' egyptiens pre-
chretiens," in Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica, 8, 1977,
pp. 129-43; R. S. Bianchi, "Augustus in Egypt," in Ar-
chaeology, 31, 1978, pp. 4-11.

MUSEO
GREGORJANO
ETRUSCO

The opening of the Museo Gre-
goriano Etrusco in 1837 culminated
two centuries of acquisition by the
papacy of antiquities found in Etru-
ria. At the outset, it should be noted
that, well into the nineteenth cen-
tury, the word "Etruscan" still was applied to
material made by the Etruscans as well as to the
imports — particularly vases produced in Athens
— that came to light in Etruscan burials. Thus,
the museum is "Etruscan" only with respect to
the sites of its finds but not to their original
sources.

During the eighteenth century, there was
considerable excavation in the Tuscan area of
Etruria — Cortona, Volterra, Siena, Chiusi — but the main
beneficiaries were private collections. Some of these collec-
tions entered the Vatican; that of Cardinal Gualterio of Orvieto,
for example, was acquired by the Vatican Library through
the efforts of Pope Clement XII (1730-40). With the two
measures introduced by Pope Pius VII, in 1802 and 1820, to
regulate the movement and sale of works of art and to pro-
vide purchase funds, the papal collections, for the first time,
were able to secure material, often from their own territories.
In 1815, Pius acquired more "Etruscan" pottery for the Vati-
can Library (fig. 38). In 1829, some vases from the Candelori
Collection, found mainly in Vulci, were added. In 1834, the
Vatican participated in the excavations conducted by Vincenzo
Campanari in Vulci. In 1835, it acquired the bronze Mars just
discovered at Todi and, a year later, the contents of the incom-
parably rich Regolini-Galassi tomb from Cerveteri.

The question of where to house the growing "Etruscan"
collection already had been considered, in 1816, when Pius
VII proposed a suite of rooms (the so-called Appartamenti
Zelada), within the Palazzetto del Belvedere, formerly occu-
pied by the librarian and secretary of state to Pius VI. The

fig. 38.

PIUS VII GIVES
ETRUSCAN VASES TO THE
LIBRARY. FRESCO. 1818

decision to use these apartments was taken in
November 1836, three months before the open-
ing of the collection. Though unfinished for the
occasion, the roughly chronological sequence
of rooms displayed vases, bronzes, and urns, and
ended with a small-scale reconstruction of an
Etruscan tomb; the idea, realized in late 1837-
early 1838, was evidently derived from the high-
ly successful Etruscan exhibition organized by
Secondiano and Vincenzo Campanari in Pall
Mall in London.

A papal decree, in 1840, put an end to the
collecting of Etruscan antiquities. The Italian state
was established in 1870, and, in 1889, the Museo
Nazionale di Villa Giulia was founded as the
repository of finds from Etruria. Despite these developments,
the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco did not lie dormant. In 1900,
Bartolomeo Nogara became the first director trained as an
Etruscologist. Under him and his successors, study of the
collections went hand in hand with their organization; G.
Pinza and, later, Luigi Pareti worked on the Regolini-Galassi
tomb, Carlo Albizzati catalogued pottery, A. D. Trendall pub-
lished the Etruscan and South Italian vases, specifically. Nor
did acquisition cease completely. In 1934, Pius XI accepted
the vases of Marchese Benedetto Guglielmi (published by
J. D. Beazley and F. Magi), and, in 1967-68, the collection
of Mario Astarita was presented to Paul VI. The reinstallation
of the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco currently in progress segre-
gates and puts in meaningful sequence the indigenous
Etruscan objects, the Greek ceramic imports, and the Roman
legacy; however, its ambience preserves part of the antiquari-
an flavor of the original nineteenth-century installation.

Francesco Roncalli

BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. Roncalli, "II reparto di antichita etrusco-italiche," in Bollettino dei
Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, I, 3, 1979, pp. 53-114.

183

BLACK-FIGURED OLPE

Corinthian, c. 630-615 b.c.

Attributed to the Painter of Vatican 73: his

name-piece
Height, 12 >A" (32.3 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 16334

The figured decoration, consisting of animals
and monsters, is in four zones that circle the
vase. Dot rosettes are used as filling ornaments.
Rosettes also appear on the neck.

The Painter of Vatican 73 is one of the chief
exponents of the Corinthian Transitional style.
A highly disciplined artist, this painter insisted
on rigid symmetry in his heraldic groupings.

D. v. B.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. Albizzati, Vasi antichi dipinti del
Vaticano, fasc. I- VII, Rome, 1925-39, pp. 27-28, pi. 5; H.
Payne, Necrocorinthia, Oxford, 1931, p. 277, no. 146, pi.
11, 5, pi. 16, 3, 5; D. A. Amyx, Corinthian Vase-painting of
the Archaic Period, forthcoming, p. 69.

100

BLACK-FIGURED COLUMN-KRATER

Corinthian, c. 560 b. c.

On the shoulder is the mission of Menelaos and
Odysseus to Troy; in the zone below, goats and
panthers; on each handle-plate, a gorgoneion

Height, 18 W (47.3 cm)

Museo Gregoriano Etrusco (Gift of Mario Astarita,
A 565)

The Astarita krater (as this vase is called) is
one of the most monumental Corinthian vases
known to us. The names of practically all of the
figures are inscribed, thus allowing us to interpret
each detail of the scene. Seated on the stepped
altar in the sanctuary of Athena at Troy are
Menelaos, Odysseus, and the herald Talthybios.
They are approached by Theano, her two maids
Dia and Malo, and her nurse. Behind them fol-

100 (detail)

low fifteen mounted horsemen and two youths
on foot. The names that are given are Harmatides,
Glaukos, Eurymachos, Ilioneus, Politas, and
Polyphas. (Eurymachos and Glaukos were the
sons of Antenor and Theano.)

The Greeks had come to Troy to ask for the
peaceful surrender of Helen. They are seen
inside the city, having just arrived, and Theano
has gone out to meet them. Antenor, the most
important Trojan next to King Priam, must have
enjoyed especially close ties of hospitality with
either Menelaos or Odysseus; Theano, as the
priestess of Athena, must have suggested to the
Greeks to take refuge in the temple of Athena
for their safety. The embassy to Troy was not
successful, however, and the Trojan War broke
out, but during the Sack of Troy the Greeks
spared the house of Antenor.

D. v. B.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. D. Beazley, " EAENHX 'AFIAITHSE,"
in Proceedings of the British Academy, 43, 1957, pp. 233-44,
pis. 11-16; M. I. Davies, Lexicon iconographicum mytholo-
giae classicae, 1, Zurich, 1981, p. 815.

184

101

BLACK-FIGURED KYLIX

Laconian, c. 555 b. c.

Interior, Atlas and Prometheus

Attributed to theArkesilas Painter

Height, 5 W (14 cm); width, 10 7 A 6 " (26.5 cm);

diameter, 7 'Vie" (20.2 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 16592

Atlas is at the left, holding up the sky, while
an eagle picks at the chest of Prometheus, who
is tied to a column, at the right. A small bird is
perched on the column. In the exergue, below
the main picture, are a Doric column and two
flowers. The sphere of heaven extends along the
upper edge of the tondo from the starry portion
of the sky to the head of Prometheus. The
groundline, supported by the column in the
exergue, must represent the disk of the earth,
seen in cross section.

D. v. B.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. Albizzati, Vasi antichi dipinti del
Vaticano, fasc. I- VII, Rome, 1925-39, pp. 66-67; C. M.
Stibbe, Lakonische Vasenmaler des sechsten Jahrhunderts v.
Chr., Amsterdam, 1972, pp. 32, 118, 280, no. 196, pis.
63-64; H. Jucker, Festschrift fur Frank Brommer, Mainz,
1977, pp. 195-96, pi. 55, 1.

102

BLACK-FIGURED AMPHORA

Attic, c. 530 b. c.

Obverse, Eos mourning her dead son Memnon (?);

reverse, the recovery of Helen
Attributed to the Painter of the Vatican Mourner:

his name-piece
Height, 17 Vie" (44 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 16571

The Painter of the Vatican Mourner, named
after this vase, has chosen for his principal pic-
ture a deeply moving subject worthy of Exekias,
to whom he is related. The scene, set in a forest,
shows a dead, naked warrior laid out on a bed
of pine branches. His armor, helmet, greaves and
shield, and his short chiton are leaning against,
or are suspended from, the two trees on the left.
A raven perches on one of the pine trees. The
woman in the center, probably Eos, the mother
of Memnon, bends over the body of the dead
hero and tears at her hair in the time-honored
gesture of mourning. On the reverse, Menelaos,
accompanied by a youth and another warrior,
menaces Helen with a sword. This encounter
took place after the Sack of Troy, when Mene-
laos, enraged at his faithless wife, threatened to
kill her. Aphrodite intervened and counseled
Helen to reveal her beauty, which led to a
reconciliation.

D. v. B.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. Albizzati, Vasi antichi dipinti del
Vaticano, fasc. I— VII, Rome, 1925-39, pp. 137-38, fig.
71, pi. 44; J. D. Beazley, Attic Black-figure Vase-painters,
Oxford, 1956, p. 140, no. 1; idem, Paralipomena, Oxford,
1971, p. 58, no. 1.

103

RED-FIGURED HYDRLA

Attic, c. 510 b. c.

On the shoulder are three komasts
Attributed to Euthymides
Height, 1 5 % 6 " (39.5 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco (Gift of Marchese
Benedetto Guglielmi, G 71)

In ihe center, a bearded man pours wine from
an amphora into a large skyphos as a youth ap-
proaches eagerly, from the right. On the left, an-
other youth, his face and chest in frontal view,
is playing the flutes. The inscriptions in the field
are meaningless.

The pouring of wine from a pointed ampho-
ra was a motif employed by Euthymides also

on a neck-amphora with twisted handles (now
in the Muzeum Narodowe in Warsaw); the flute
player may be compared with the boy on the
neck of a volute-krater (now in the Museo
Nazionale in Syracuse) that is attributed lo the
same painter. D v B

BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. D. Beazley (and F. Magi), La Raccolta
Benedetto Gugiielmi nel Museo Gregoriano Etrusco I, Ceramka
(Monument) Vaiicani di Archeologia e d'Anc, V), Vatican
City, 1939. p. 3. fig. 1, p. 62, no. 25, pi. 25; J. D. Beazley.
Attic Red-figure Vase-painters, Oxford, 1963. p. 28, no. 14.

103 (detail)

186

RED-FIGURED HYDRIA

Attic, c. 490 B, c.
Apollo Hyperpontios
Attributed to the Berlin Painter
Height, 20V 2 "(52cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv, no. 16568

The god is seated on a winged tripod, riding
over the sea {hyperpontios), which is denoted
by fish and an octopus. Two dolphins leaping
over the waves accompany him. Apollo plays
the lyre. The rare subject of Apollo traveling on
a tripod is also known from a black- figured neck-
amphora (in the Louvre) a it rib u ted to the Ready
Painter. D v B

BIBLIOGRAPHY; J. D. Beazley, Attic Red-fyure Vase-
painters, Oxford. 1963. p. 209, no. 166, p. 1634; idem.
Paralipomena, Oxford, 1971, p. 343.

187

188

105

RED-FIGURED KYLIX

Attic, c. 470 b.c.

Interior, Oedipus and the Sphinx; exterior,

satyrs cavorting
Attributed to the Oedipus Painter: his

name-piece
Diameter, lOVs" (26.3 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 16541

Oedipus (his name is inscribed), in the garb
of a traveler, sits before the legendary Sphinx
of Thebes that devoured those who did not an-
swer its riddle (part of which is written be-
tween the mouth of the Sphinx and the face of
Oedipus). The Sphinx sits on a column, much
in the way that sphinxes were shown on Attic
grave reliefs of the Archaic period. The exteri-
or scene is of considerable interest, as it was
copied on a cup (now in the Musee Rodin in
Paris) by an Etruscan vase painter.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. D. Beazley, Attic Red-figure Vase-
painters, Oxford, 1963, p. 451, no. 1, p. 1654; idem,
Paralipomena, Oxford, 1971, p. 376.

RED-FIGURED AMPHORA

Attic, c. 450 b.c.

Obverse, Achilles; reverse, woman (Briseis?)
Attributed to the Achilles Painter: his name-piece
Height, 24 Vie" (62 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 16571

The young Greek hero is shown in frontal
view, his head turned to his left; he wears a
short chiton and a cuirass and has a cloak over
his left arm, with which he shoulders an enor-
mous spear. The woman on the other side,
perhaps Briseis, holds an oinochoe and a phiale,
traditional vases for the sacrificial libation that
preceded a departure for battle. The painter has
identified the warrior by writing the name
Achilles next to him.

The Achilles Painter was the first great classic
vase painter, much of whose finest work is on
white lekythoi.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. D. Beazley, Attic Red-figure Vase-
painters, Oxford, 1963, p. 987, no. 1, p. 1677; idem,
Paralipomena, Oxford, 1971, p. 437.

D. v. B.

107

WHITE-GROUND CALYX-KRATER

Attic, c. 440-430 b.c.

Obverse, Hermes bringing the infant Dionysos
to Papposilenos and the nymphs; reverse, a
seated Muse playing the lyre, between two
standing Muses

Attributed to the Phiale Painter

Height, 12 l Vie" (32.8 cm)

Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 16586

This splendid krater, painted in polychromy
on a white engobe (or slip), is the work of the
Phiale Painter — the pupil of the Achilles Painter.
Like his teacher, he did much work on lekythoi,
continuing the classic tradition of his master.

Dionysos was raised by the nymphs of Nysa.
His schooling must have begun very early, as
we learn from a neck- amphora by the Eucharides
Painter (on loan to The Metropolitan Museum

of Art) on which Zeus himself carries his in-
fant son to a nymph, who is shown with lyre,
flute case, and writing tablet.

D. v. B. ■

BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. D. Beazley, Attic Red-figure Vase-
painters, Oxford, 1963, p. 1017, no. 54; idem, Paralipomena,
Oxford, 1971, p. 440.

190

108

RED-FIGURED BELL-KRATER

Paestan, c. 350-325 B.C.

Obverse, scene from a phlyax farce: assisted by
Hermes, Zeus carries a ladder in an attempt
to visit one of his loves, who appears at a
window; reverse, two youths

Attributed to Asteas

Height. 14 9 /i„" (37cm); diameter. 14 '//*" (36 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 17106

Phlyax plays are peculiar to the Greek settle-
ments in Southern Italy. The actors, dressed in
humorous costume, burlesque the adventures
of gods and heroes. The scene on this vase prob-
ably represents the visit of Zeus to Alkmene,
wife of Amphitryon, as Hermes holds up a lamp,
at the right. Another vase by the same painter
(in the British Museum) shows the sequel: Zeus
is actually climbing the ladder.

D. v. B.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. D. Ttendall, Vtei antiM dipinti del Vati-
cano. Vast Ualioti ed Etruschi a Figure Ross*, fasc. I, Vatican
City, 1953, pp. 27-29, pis. 7 b, 9 b.

109

PAIR OF ARM BANDS

Cerveteri (necropolis of Sorbo, Regolini-Galassi
tomb)

Middle of the 7th century b. c.
Gold

Length, 10 'A" (26 cm); width, 2 Vs-2 "Ae" (6. 7
-6. 9 cm); diameter, 3 Vs-3 "/«" (9.3-10 cm)

Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. nos. 20562,
20563

This jewelry came from the last chamber of
the famous Regolini-Galassi tomb, a large aris-
tocratic burial that was excavated at Cerveteri
in 1836 and 1837. The tomb, partly dug out
in the tufa and partly built of squared blocks of
the same material, was reached by a long
corridor, flanked by two small chambers of cir-
cular plan; the main chamber was, itself, divided
into two parts. In the area at the end, a woman,
to whom these arm bands and other extremely
rich jewelry belonged, was buried, while, in the
opposite part, a man — in all probability her hus -
band — was interred, along with an equally im-
pressive collection of bronze pieces.

Each arm bracelet is made up of a rectangular
band of gold, bent in the shape of an open
cylinder and decorated on the ends with two
pieces of gold foil — one on the inside and the
other on the outside. The catch consists of a
small bar, secured with a small chain.

The central part of each bracelet is decorated
with repeated scenes of three standing female
figures — frontal, except for their feet, which are
in profile — who hold a palm in each hand. The
representations — framed by maeanders and

chevrons — were stamped and then outlined by
granulation.

The bands at each end are decorated with a
more complex scene: two palms surround a
woman who stands between two confronted
lions, each stretching out a front paw and lean-
ing the other on her shoulder. The two male
figures behind the two lions attack them with
daggers. The decorative motifs vary here: guil-
loches alternate with lotus flowers.

A comparison of the exuberant decoration
of these and of other gold pieces from the
Regolini-Galassi tomb — and from other Etrus-
can tombs of the same period — shows that this
very fine work was executed locally. The typical
granulation heightens the effect of the ornament
and scenes, achieved by expert use of separate
punches, allowing the goldsmith of Cerveteri
to create variations on the theme of noTNiA
0HPCJN (the Mistress of the Animals).

The urban development of such coastal cen-
ters as Cerveteri, between the eighth and the
seventh century b.c, permitted these cities and
the dominant class within them to exercise a
stricter control over the already densely popu-
lated hinterlands. Their agricultural and mineral
resources furnished the metropolises with the
power to attract Oriental trade — above all, that
of the Phoenicians — enabling them not only to
export finished products but also to import such
raw materials as gold, silver, and ivory, which
were worked by local artisans and passed along
the internal commercial routes to Vetulonia,
Chiusi, Palestrina, and elsewhere.

ER.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: L. Pareti, La Tomba Regolini-Galassi di
Cerveteri, Vatican City, 1947, pp. 182-84, nos. 3-4;
T. Dohrn, in W Helbig, Ftihrer dutch die offentlichen
Sammlungen klassischer Altertiimer in Rom: Die Pdpstlichen
Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, 1, 4th ed., Tubingen,
1963, p. 483, no. 624.

110

SILVER BOWL, DECORATED
WITH FIGURES

Cerveteri (necropolis of Sorbo, Regolini-Galassi
tomb)

Middle of the 7th century b. c.
Gilded silver

Diameter, 7W (19.4cm); depth, 'Vie" (2.5 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 20368

This bowl came from the niche on the left-
hand side of the Regolini-Galassi tomb, along
with other furnishings that probably belonged
to the man buried in the central corridor. The
cup must have been fastened to the wall of the
room because the trace of an iron nail shows in
the center.

Among the objects of Oriental origin whose
presence in Etruria — although not only in Etru-
ria — best characterizes its richness, commercial
relations, culture, and taste between the end of
the eighth and the close of the seventh century
b.c, there is the series of silver bowls, of which
this example is one of the best preserved.

The bowl, decorated in repousse with engrav-
ing, is divided into four principal areas: the
central disk, two concentric bands, and a smooth
rim that lacks the gilding that covers the entire
remaining internal surface. The outside of the
bowl originally was covered with silver foil.

In the center, two lions attack a bull in a typi-
cally Egyptian setting. In the inner band, in a
landscape characterized by a small mountain and
by papyrus and palms, is a series of episodes
from a hunt: an archer and a lancer aid a man
fallen beneath a lion; another man stabs a lion,
upright on its back paws, with a dagger; and a
horseman chases a fawn on a mountain.

The outer band depicts a file of soldiers, on
foot and on horseback, in which the most emi-
nent is clearly the man who, armed and accom-
panied by a squire, occupies the chariot. The
two bands narrate two symbolic elements of the
life of a great dynasty.

The bowl belongs to a class whose Oriental
origin is certain, and whose diffusion through-
out the Mediterranean basin — in particular, on
the Tyrrhenian coasts of Italy — is traditionally
attributed to Phoenician trade. Some scholars
have spoken of Phoenician, Cypriot, or Syrian
centers as the sources of these objects. Certainly,
their production must have depended on "beach-
heads" in Italy, most probably in southern
Etruria: such a center as Cerveteri, for example,
which perhaps not only absorbed and distrib-
uted these objects, but which also may have had
artisans capable of refinishing them and making
them more elaborate to suit local tastes.

ER.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: L. Pareti, La Tomba Regolini-Galassi di
Cerveteri, Vatican City, 1947, pp. 312-15, n. 323, pi. XLIV;
T. Dohrn, in W Helbig, Ftihrer durch die offentlichen
Sammlungen klassischer Altertiimer in Rom: Die Pdpstlichen
Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, 1, 4th ed., Tubingen,
1963, pp. 491-92, no. 641; on the entire class: I. Strom,
Problems Concerning the Origin and Early Development of
the Etruscan Orientalizing Style, Odense, 1971; F. Canciani
and Fr. W von Hase, La Tomba Bernardini di Palestrina,
Rome, 1979, pp. 5-6.

192

Ill

VASE WITH FIGURES

Cerveteri (necropolis of Sorbo, Calabresi tomb)

Late 7th century b, c.

Bucchero

Height (with foot that does not belong), 1 1 'Vie "
(30 cm)

Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no, 20235

In the composition of this exceptional vase, made
of the finest bucchero from Cerveteri and with
incised decoration, a variety of different elements
come together. The ancient tradition, taken up
in Italo- Geometric pottery, of forming handles
or the knobs of lids in the shape of animals here
is allied with the Geometric tradition of the askos,
an animal skin made into a water container and
modeled as a quadruped or a bird. The Vatican
example is a fresh interpretation of a type of tall
jug with a transverse, cask- like body, famous

from an example from Bisenzio in the Museo di
Villa Giulia in Rome. A long vertical neck end-
ing in a trefoil spout rises from the body, which
is placed on a support of purely ceramic deriva-
tion. The elaborate plumes on the perforated
spouts in the shape of animal heads are cer-
tainly Oriental in tradition, and serve as stop-
pers for the two halves into which the vase is
separated, inside and out. The human figure on
the body of the vase — who holds in his extended
hands the horses' harness — as well as the circu-
lar ornament on the side of the vase suggest
that the idea that the potter wished to cap-
ture was that of a fantastic chariot whose body
is fused with that of the two horses. The foot,
although probably true to this type of vase, does
not belong.

F.R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: L. Pareti, La Tomba Regolini-Galassi di
Cerveteri, Vatican City, 1947, pp. 367-68, n. 400, pi. LIV;
T. Dohrn, in W. Helbig, Ftihrer durch die offentlichen
Samtnlungen klassischer Altertumer in Rom: Die Papstlichen
Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, 1, 4th cd., Tubingen,
1963, p. 497, no. 651.

193

112

DISK, WITH A LION'S HEAD

Tarquinia (necropolis of Monte Quaglieri)

Late 6th century b.c.

Bronze

Diameter: overall, 14 l A" (36.2 cm), head, 4 'Vie"

(12.5 cm); maximum depth, 2 Vie" (6.5 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 12623

Concerning the origin of the disk, the circum-
stances of its discovery, and its function, the read-
er is referred to entry no. 1 13. The central cavity
of the shaped disk, distinguished, in this case,
by a smooth part made to hold the mask, and
by two concentric, circular zones of tongues, also
includes a central lion's head — as in the ma-
jority of examples known (about thirty) of this
class of object.

The head, raised from a single sheet of bronze,
was attached with two pairs of rivets placed op-
posite each other, piercing the thin area of metal
around the lion's head. The eyes are filled with
glass paste: white for the cornea, black for the
iris. The state of preservation of the mask is good;
the disk underneath has many holes. The lion
is represented, as is usual, with its jaws wide
open and its tongue hanging down. Its mane is
parted on top into two rows of locks: the first,
from behind which its ears stick out, is in more
marked relief; the second is delineated by an
incised contour. Worth noting in the depiction
of the muzzle (which varies within this series of
disks) is the treatment of the fur under the jaws,
the indication of the skin on either side of the
tongue in two lobes marked by crosshatched
incisions, and the flattened hairs above the eyes,
rendered as two spiraling curls.

Stylistically, the head fits into the Etruscan
canon typical of the second half of the sixth
century b.c. One should compare, in particular,

the examples from Vulci executed in stone, and
the painted ones that decorate the tympana of
the funeral chambers at Tarquinia.

The prevalence of this motif (along with that
of the ram's head, which occurs almost as
frequently) — within this class of object as op-
posed to other motifs whose function was more
clearly apotropaic (such as the masks of satyrs
and of maenads) — is an indirect confirmation
of the original function of these disks, and of
the typological development that brought about
the transition from the smaller functional disk
to this enlarged ornamental one. The circular
shape and the prominence of the head — often
used to decorate such wooden objects as the
hubs of wheels and the poles of carts — made
the form particularly adaptable to the ornamen-
tation on the heads of the dowels placed in the
center of such a disk. In this connection one
should compare two disks found in the necrop-
olis of Peschiera near Todi that have bronze pins
in their centers: the head of each pin ends in a
lion's head.

F.R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: T. Dohrn, in W. Helbig, Fuhrer durch
die offentlichen Sammlungen klassischer Altertiimer in Rom:
Die Pdpstlichen Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, I,
4th ed., Tubingen, 1963, p. 522, no. 692; on this subject:
W.L. Brown, The Etruscan Lion, Oxford, 1960, pp. 101-4;
on the examples from Todi: G. Bendinelli, in Monumenti
Antichi, XXIII, 2, 1916, p. 684.

113

DISK, WITH THE HEAD OF ACHELOOS

Tarquinia (necropolis of Monte Quaglieri)

Early 5th century b. c.

Bronze

Diameter, 15 'Vie" (40. 5cm); maximum depth, 2 9 A 6

(6.5 cm); height of mask, 10 'Vie" (2 7.5 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 12461

This bronze disk was found in the winter of
1829, together with no. 112 and nine other
pieces, in a funeral chamber in a necropolis situ-
ated about two miles north of the ancient city
of Tarquinia in the locality of Monte Quaglieri.
(All were acquired in 1830 for the papal collec-
tions.) The disk was hammered into its present
shape, concave in the center and framed by a
wide convex ring. Around the smooth central
disk are two concentric bands with a tongue
pattern designed to frame the head, which, like-
wise, was hammered separately from a single
piece of bronze, and then attached to the disk
by a pair of rivets. The conical horns and the
ears also were executed separately and attached
with rivets having special tongues for support.
The eyes were rendered by filling cavities in the
bronze with glass paste: white for the cornea,
black for the iris. From several examples in which
this filling has fallen out, we have learned that
at the bottom of the eye cavity two small holes
were drilled to allow for a better hold between
the paste and the metal. The state of preserva-
tion of this disk is excellent.

The head, representing a bearded male figure
with a bull's horns and ears, is identified as the
Greek river god Acheloos, son of Thetis and
Okeanos, described, in mythology, as being best-
ed by Herakles in the contest for the hand of
Deianeira. The composite nature of this figure
— depicted sometimes as a centaur, sometimes
as a bull with a man's head, sometimes as a sea
monster, and sometimes as a man with a bull's
head (overlapping, in the last case, with the ico-
nography of the Minotaur) — was a common
theme in Greek and Italiote art of the sixth and
fifth centuries b.c. Thus, it recurred in Etruria,
in representations of an apotropaic character. The
theme was, for the most part, limited — as in
this case — to the head: it is found, thus, in the
heads decorating antefixes and the pendants of
necklaces. (For a probable representation of the
entire figure of this creature, see the smaller frieze
in the first room of the Tomb of the Bulls in
Tarquinia.)

194

The head of Acheloos recurs in more than
ten examples of this class of object (which con-
sists of about eighty pieces). Much more com-
mon are the heads of lions (as in cat. no. 1 12)
and of rams.

Stylistically, although the emphasis on such
details as the eyes, moustache, and beard, and
the triangular structure of the face with its
flattened forehead obviously recall a decidedly
archaic tradition (of the middle of the sixth cen-
tury b.c), the more fluid modeling and the
stylization of the curls on the forehead — above
all, compared with those of an earlier version of
this theme, in the same class — force us to con-
sider the possibility that the disk may date from
the beginning of the fifth century b.c.

The original function of these disks has been
discussed at length: they have been interpreted
as decorative ornaments for furniture, funeral
biers, coffered ceilings, and for the walls of tombs
(in the last case, either as pure decoration or
as votive offerings to the deceased) . In the tomb
from which the Vatican objects came, they were
stacked up one on top of the other, in an ar-
rangement that tells us nothing about their origi-
nal function, quite aside from the tampering that
the contents of the necropolis had undergone
before the excavations of the nineteenth century.
The presence of large metal pins that pass
through the centers of these disks (the head was
added only after the disk was attached) assures
us that the disks were placed on flat surfaces
and had ornamental functions together with
magical-protective ones. Their peculiar structure,
moreover, represents the decorative enlargement
of a type of disk, with an average diameter of a
few centimeters, that was used in various
Etruscan necropolises as a brazier ornament (as
were those found at Vulci) or to decorate other,
wooden objects, including (as in the case of sev-
eral burial tombs in the necropolis of Peschiera
near Todi) the caskets that contained the dead.
One may compare the disks with the concen-
tric circles that, rendered in painting, decorate
the columen of certain tombs of the early fifth
century b.c. in Tarquinia (the Tomb of the Chari-
ots and the Tomb of the Funeral Bed). More
problematic because of the chronological gap is
the comparison with the disks sculpted on the
urns in the Tomb of the Volumni in Perugia (first
century b.c.) although, perhaps, the comparison
is justified, historically, by the presence — in an
archaic, unpublished tomb in the necropolis of
the "Palazzone" — of a disk with a lion's head
belonging to this same class. Tarquinia surely
was the center of production of all of those disks
whose origins are known. It, therefore, can be
determined that these disks were actually ap-
plied to the sides of biers or to other wooden
structures within the tomb.

F.R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Mostra dell' arte e delta civilta etrusca,
Milan, 1955, p. 63, n. 249, pi. XXXIX; T. Dohm, in W.
Helbig, Fuhrer durch die offentlichen Sammlungen klas-
sischer Altertumer in Rom: Die Pdpstlichen Sammlungen im
Vatikan und Lateran, I, 4th ed., Tubingen, 1963, p. 522,
no. 692; on the entire class: M. Pallottino, "Tarquinia,"
in MonumentiAntichi, XXXVI, 1937, p. 352; R. Mengarelli,
Notizie degli Scavi, 1941, p. 365; W. Hombostel et al., Kunst
der Antike, Schdtze aus norddeutschem Privatbesitz, Mainz,
1977, pp. 85-86; on the subject: J. Jannot, "Acheloos,
Le taureau androcephale et les masques cornus dans
l'Etrurie archaique," in Latomus, XXXIII, 4, 1974, p. 765.

114

REVETMENT IN THE FORM OF A
WINGED HORSE

Cerveteri

Early 5th century b. c.
Polychromed terracotta

Height, 18 l /s " (46 cm); depth, 15 'Vie" (40. 5 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 14130

This horse's forepart crowned the lower- left cor-
ner of a temple in Cerveteri from about the first
quarter of the fifth century b.c The piece still
has traces of its original polychromy: red, black,
and yellow. Perhaps the horse's mouth once
held a bit. The front hooves (which projected),
the top of the mane, and part of the flat tile to
which the plastic element was attached have
broken off.

Winged beings (such as the Aurora with
young Cephalus, on the famous piece from
Cerveteri now in the Staatliche Museen Preus-
sischer Kulturbesitz in Berlin) often populated
the skyline of Etrusco-Italic temple buildings.

This Pegasus — although perhaps the allusion
is to a sea horse — is one of the finest products
of the art of Etruscan temple decoration that, a
few decades before the probable date of this
revetment, had exerted its prestigious influence
on Rome, itself — where Vulca, the terracotta
craftsman from Veii, worked on the Temple of
the Capitoline Jupiter. The influence of Greek
art of the early fifth century b.c. is evi-
dent in the spare and vigorous rendering of the
Vatican winged horse. p ^

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Andren, Architectural Terracottas from
Etrusco-Italic Temples, Lund/Leipzig, 1940, I, p. 46, III: I,
and II, pi. 14, no. 47; T. Dohm, in W. Helbig, Fuhrer durch
die offentlichen Sammlungen klassischer Altertumer in Rom:
Die Pdpstlichen Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, I,
4th ed., Tubingen, 1963, pp. 580-81, no. 784.

195

115

VOTIVE PORTRAIT STATUE OF A MAN

Cerveteri

Etruscan, 2nd century b. c.
Terracotta

Height: overall, 4' I Vie" (125 cm); head, 8 Vs" (22cm)
MuseoGre30ria.no Etrusco, Inv. no. 17874

The pertinence of the head — which already had
been identified and studied separately — to the
body was recognized by G. Hafner in 1964. The
head derives from a well-known prototype de-
picting a young man with a rather flat, triangular-
shaped face, the ears sticking out and the cap-
like hair in thin locks, parted over the forehead
(as in cat. nos. 1 17, 1 18, but in less plastic relief).

This basic type is faithfully followed in another
votive head, of the same origin, also preserved in
the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco (Inv. no. 13871).
In the present example, however, the artisan has
strayed from the pattern with his expertise in
modeling. He has removed most of the hair, leav-
ing only a ring along the temples and the back
of the neck; traced some wrinkles on the fore-
head; and attempted to mark the skin at the
edge of the mouth more deeply. However, the
age of the prototype is clearly younger than that
of the derivative statue, and that, together with
the attempt to convey a sense of aging, creates
an appealing effect.

The man is dressed in a tunic over which is a
cloak that Hafner identifies as a toga, worn in
the manner of the Greek himation, which usu-
ally reached a little below the calves.

The statue — the lower part is missing and the
left part of the nose is chipped — originally was

provided with hands, which were executed sepa-
rately. They were inserted in openings in the
cloak, whose drapery is very flat and simplified.
The figure, strictly frontal in conception even
though its pose is not rigidly frontal, narrows to
a width of 5 l A to 5 V2 inches at its lowest re-
maining part. In format, the statue is the same as
those small Etruscan bronzes in which the sim-
plification of the bodies results in elongated, flat,
or wiry figures.

ER.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Hafner, "Eine Portratstatue aus
Terrakotta im Museo Gregoriano Etrusco," in Rendiconti
delta Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, XXXVIII,
1965/1966, pp. 105-11; M.E Kilmer, The Shoulder Bust
in Sicily and South and Central Italy: A Catalogue and Mate-
rials for Dating ( Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology, LI) ,
Goteborg, 1977, pp. 225-26, n. 108, fig. 178 (only the
head).

116

TWO HEADS OF HORSES

Etruscan, late 4th century b.c; found in Vulci,

at the entrance to a tomb
Nenfro

Height, c. 22 Vie" (c. 56 cm)

Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. nos. 14953, 14954

Each of the two heads is bridled, with a deco-
rative collar around the neck. Nenfro is a volcan-
ic stone, native to Etruria, and some of the fin-
est Etruscan sculptures are of this material. In
antiquity, horses often had a sepulchral meaning,
but it is not clear whether this pair was part of a
chariot group or should be considered architec-
tural adjuncts.

D. v. B.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. Q. Giglioli, L'Arte Etrusca, Milan, 1935,
pi. 262, 1; T. Dohm, in W. Helbig, Ftihrer durch die
qffentlichen Sammlungen klassischer Altertiimer in Rom:
Die Pdpstlichen Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, I,
4th ed., Tubingen, 1963, p. 473, no. 610.

196

117

VOTIVE HEAD OF A MAN

Cerveteri

Etruscan, 4th century b. c.
Terracotta

Height: overall, 10 A " (26 cm); head, 7 At" (19 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 13854

A comparison, made for the first time by Guido
von Kaschnitz-Weinberg, between this head and
the following one (Inv. no. 13852) is highly
instructive. The two faces, in fact, came from
identical molds. The young man's head in cat.
no. 1 18 was modeled and brought "to life" by a
few finishing touches, including the colors paint-

ed on top of a whitish slip applied over the
purified, pinkish clay. The present example, made
of a rougher, dark- red clay that might not have
been slipped, shows a different effort at charac-
terization — although it still belongs to an ideal-
ized type — and greater technical simplicity.

The craftsman who made this head wished
to portray a mature man, so that he reworked
extensively, if not in depth, what came out of
the mold. With a modeling tool he cut wrinkles
across the forehead, incised bristling eyebrows,
and perforated the cheeks and chin to suggest a
thick beard. The few abrasions in the hair indi-
cate that, although the artist adhered to that of
the given model, he wanted it to appear more
disheveled. While the neck does not show any
traces of having been made for insertion into a
statue (as does cat. no. 1 18), it definitely reveals
the artist's intention to render its connection with
the shoulders realistically.

All of these variations, meant to convey ad-
vanced age, are signs with which the face is suf-
fused but which remain superficial. The artisan
did not feel the need to give the head a convinc-
ing volume, "closing" the portion that includes
the face, and flattening it rather than integrat-
ing it, as is the case with the head in cat. no.
118, where the occipital part has been given
adequate depth (sometimes achieved with a
complementary mold).

This proof of a flourishing Etruscan crafts-
manship of average quality illustrates quite well
the singular contradiction that characterizes
much of Etruscan art, especially at the begin-
ning of the fourth century b.c. There is an insis-
tent and historically determined recourse to the
clearly admired themes and schemes elaborated
upon in classic Greek art, which did not ex-
clude, even in the greatest works, constant de-
viations by a taste that believed more in the
evidence of detail and in the evocative power
of the particular than in the logic and rigor of
an organic whole.

This head is datable in the fourth century b.c.

ER.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. von Kaschnitz-Weinberg, "Ritratti
fittili etruschi e romani dal secolo III al I, Av. Cr.," in Rendi-
conti della Pontifitia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, III,
1924/1925, pp. 337-38, pi. XXI, 2; T. Dohm, in W Helbig,
Fiihrer durch die offentlichen Sammlungen klassischer
Alterttimer in Rom: Die Papstlichen Sammlungen im Vatikan
und Lateran, I, 4th ed., Tubingen, 1963, p. 587, no. 796;
S. Steingraber, "ZumPhanomen der etruskisch-italischen
Votivkopfe," in Romische Mitteilungen, 87, 1980, p. 223,
pi. 70, 2; M. F. Kilmer, The Shoulder Bust in Sicily and South
and Central Italy: A Catalogue and Materials for Dating { Studies
in Mediterranean Archaeology, LI), Goteborg, 1977, p. 227,
no. 110, fig. 180.

118

VOTIVE HEAD OF A MAN

Cerveteri

Etruscan, second half of the 4th century b. c.
Terracotta

Height: overall, 10 'A " (26 cm); head, 7 7 A 6 " (19 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 13852

This head probably came from Cerveteri, as did
the head in cat. no. 117. The base of the neck,
intact and thickened into a kind of flat "fillet,"
assures us that this example is the most common
form of ex-voto — the neck-bust type — that di-
rectly reproduced the image of the devotee.

The youthful head is rather rigidly placed on
an overly long and wide neck. The face is tri-
angular, and the hair thick. The flame- like locks
that radiate from the top of the head, separate
over the forehead, and fall in front of the ears,
which are placed too low; the dilated eyes;
and the down- turned mouth are characteristics
that found particular favor beginning in the
fourth century b.c. This model is based upon a
type of the Polyclitan youth, numerous versions
of which were made between the fourth and
the third century b.c, both in bronze and in
terracotta.

The dating of such terracotta ex-votos, execut-
ed with molds that perpetuated particularly fa-
vored types for decades, is problematical. With-
out a precise archaeological context that allows
the dating of an individual piece, one is reduced
to dating the type — in this case, within the sec-
ond half of the fourth century b.c.

ER.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: T. Dohm, in W. Helbig, Fiihrer durch
die offentlichen Sammlungen klassischer Altertumer in Rom:
Die Papstlichen Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, I,
4th ed., Tubingen, 1963, p. 587, no. 796; M. F. Kilmer,
The Shoulder Bust in Sicily and South and Central Italy: A
Catalogue and Materials for Dating ( Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology, LI), Goteborg, 1977, pp. 226-27, n. 109,
fig. 179; S. Steingraber, "Zum Phanomen der etruskisch-
italischen Votivkopfe," in Romische Mitteilungen, 87, 1980,
pp. 223, 224, 228, pi. 70, 1.

197

119

VOTIVE STATUE OF A CHILD
(THE "PUTTO CARRARA")

Tarquinia

First half of the 3rd century b. c.
Bronze

Height (excluding the piece attaching the
statue to the pedestal), 12 W (32. 7 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 12108

Excavated in 1770 "from the Tarquinian ruins
near Cometo" (J. B. Passed, 1771, p. 12), this
small statue came from one of the cult areas of
the ancient city; among those known to us, the
"Ara della Regina" seems the most likely place.

The statue was presented by Monsignor
Francesco Carrara to Pope Clement XTV in 1771,
and was placed in the Museo Profano of the
Vatican Library, which, in turn, gave it to the
new Museo Etrusco in January 1837.

The bronze, which is hollow, was cast by the
lost- wax process in separate parts (torso, head,
limbs, genitals). The alloy is 49 percent copper,
12.5 percent tin, 38 percent lead, and one per-
cent zinc, with traces of iron; it is characterized

by its high degree of lead. The metal wall is of
considerable and consistent thickness (0.6 mm);
the inside shows those points where the respec-
tive parts were joined, as well as a few pieces of
the original core that still adhere. The feet of the
statue have been left open, and another qua-
drangular opening occurs at the point of support
on the pedestal. A projection of bronze is at-
tached to the figure's left buttock; still preserved
is part of a lead wedge meant to anchor the stat-
ue at its base. The overall state of preservation is
good, although the little and middle fingers of
the right hand are missing, and the left arm has
been broken off above the elbow.

The child is portrayed seated on the ground,
his left leg bent horizontally, his right leg verti-
cal and out to the side. His right hand, with
flattened palm, leans on the ground; his body
faces left, the head turned upward. Around his
neck the figure wears a bulla suspended from
a ring (perhaps meant to represent leather) that
has no clasp. His hair, without volume, is
rendered in thick, parallel stripes that emanate
from the top of the head. The boy's lips are barely
parted. The irises and pupils of his eyes are
incised. The modeling is extremely simplified
and generalized (notice the thick ankles), articu-
lated by a few engraved lines, added after casting,

to the wrist, ankles, and abdomen.

The following inscription — in four lines, of
which only the last two remain — was incised
deeply, from right to left, on the outside of the
left arm after casting (the text, in fact, overlaps
the seam where the arm joins the shoulder) :

( ) nas : velusa

( ) xis selvansl:

( ) as : ever: 0ve01i

( ) : clan

The text says that a certain son of Vel (first name
of the boy's father) and of a certain 0ve01i (the
family name of his mother) was the subject of
this votive offering (ever) to the god Selvans.
Thus, the statue belongs to the category of ex-
votos that feature children crouching, nude or
half nude, in the act of making an offering (of a
small animal, or fruit) to a divinity. In this group
from Etruria are several large examples in bronze,
such as this one and another — also in the Museo
Gregoriano Etrusco — discovered at Pila near the
Lago Trasimeno, and some terracottas, such as
those from Cerveteri (now in the Museo Grego-
riano Etrusco) and from Vulci (in the Museo
di Villa Giulia in Rome). A Late Hellenistic
date (second century b.c.) usually is proposed
for these objects, but, in reality, the subject
already was known in Greece in small-scale
versions beginning in the fifth century b.c, and
was particularly popular in Etruria in the fourth
century, where it recurs in decorated mirrors,
in both the principal and subsidiary scenes. The
subject figures in depictions of gods and semi-
divine children (Maris, Hercle) or other beings—
sometimes winged — and probably of chthonic
creatures. While scholars await the results of
current studies of the votive material found at
the "Ara della Regina," it is best to assign a
date not later than the first half of the third cen-
tury b.c. to this piece (which also is supported
by the inscription).

The forced tension of the bust and of the head;
the unmistakable singularity of the closely
cropped hair; and the animated face of the child,
who, looking up, "speaks from below" — so dif-
ferent from those laughing faces of "rococo"
Hellenistic putti — immediately suggested to
Passeri the idea (since resurrected by R. Herbig
and E. Simon, 1965) that the bronze figure rep-
resents the mythic Tages. Tages was the infant
seer, the newborn with the face of an old man,
who suddenly sprang from the earth before the
eyes of a Tarquinian farmer (according to some
sources Tarquin, the founder of Tarquinia) and
revealed to him and to the other Etruscan lead-
ers gathered together for the purpose the secrets
of Etruscan religious discipline and, in particular,
the art of divination (Cicero, De div., II, 23, 50).

Some scholars object to this hypothesis, stress-
ing the fact that the name of the boy is given in
the inscription, and that his "lay" character is
indicated by the bulla, which marked children
of free birth. Such a confrontation of opposing
views is inconclusive. Whomever the small stat-
ue portrays (and it should be noted that the bulla
is worn regularly by the divine and semidivine
in the mirror decorations previously mentioned),
it is clear that a mythic figure as important as
Tages very likely heavily influenced the means
of portraying the infant and of making it a part
of the official religious iconography in Etruria —
and, above all, in Tarquinia. One must remem-

198

ber that, located in Tarquinia, perhaps only a
short distance from the place where this remark-
able votive offering came to light, was the
"memorial" to the miraculous birth of Tages.

F.R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: S. Borgia, Alphabetum veterum etrus-
corum et nonnulla eorumdem monumenta, Rome, 1771, pp.
29-31, 37, n. Ill; J.B. Passeri, De pveri etrvsci aheneo
simvlacro . . . , Rome, 1771; T, Dohrn, in W Helbig, Fiihrer
dutch die offentlichen Sammlungen klassischer Altertumer
in Rom: Die Papstlichen Sammlungen im Vatikan und
Lateran, I, 4th ed, Tubingen, 1963, p. 536-37, no. 717;
for the inscription: M.Pallottino, Testimonia Linguae Etruscae,
Florence, 1954, p. 148; for Selvans: D. von Bothmer and
J. Heurgon, "An Etruscan Bronze in New York" (Fondation
Eugene Piot, Monuments etMemoires, 61 ), 1977, pp. 44-59;
for the subject: R. Herbig and E. Simon, Gotter und Ddmonen
der Etrusker, Mainz, 1965, pp. 30, 48, pi. 47; on the Tages
monument: M. Torelli, Elogia Tarquiniensia, Florence, 1975,
pp. 120, 129, 140, n. 5.

120

HELLENISTIC HEAD OF A MAN

Provenance unknown (Vulci?)
Mid-2nd century b. c.
Nenfro

Maximum height, 13 " (33 cm); height of

head, 9 "Ae" (25 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 14945

The head, of life size, has suffered abrasions
where the modeling is in highest relief (as in
the nose and hair). A large fracture extends from
the neck along the left side of the head to the
nape. This area clearly contrasts with the more
elaborately modeled right side, which assures
us that the piece comes from a high relief, and
must, originally, have been seen from below and
from the right. The head is twisted sharply
toward the left, suggesting that the thrust of the
complete figure was toward the right. The promi-
nent forehead, the deep-set eyes accentuated by
the strongly demarcated upper lids, and the part-
ed lips give the face an emotional intensity that
is unmistakably Hellenistic, as is the wavy hair,
two locks of which are drawn up from the
hairline. The headgear, two bands overlapped
and crisscrossed like a tutulus, has been interpret-
ed erroneously as a Phrygian cap or a pilos.

It is difficult to reconstruct the original place-
ment of this fragment (in which G. von Kasch-
nitz-Weinberg recognizes Paris or one of the
Dioskouroi); perhaps it belonged to the pedi-
ment on the front of a tomb, or projected from
the side of a capital, similar to the famous exam-
ple on the so-called Campanari tomb at Vulci.
The attitude, however, is identical to that of
the female, winged demons in numerous relief
friezes on urns from Volterra of the second cen-
tury B.C.

F.R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. von Kaschnitz- Weinberg, Lescuiture
del magazzino del Museo Vaticano, Vatican City, 1937, pp.
251-52, n. 582, pi. XCIII; T. Dohrn, in W Helbig, Fiihrer
durch die offentlichen Sammlungen klassischer Altertumer
in Rom: Die Papstlichen Sammlungen im Vatikan und
Lateran, 1, 4th ed., Tubingen, 1963, pp. 471-72, no. 607.

121

VOTIVE PORTRAIT BUST OF A WOMAN

Cerveteri

First half of the 3rd century b. c.
Terracotta

Height: overall, 13 Vs " (34. 7cm); head, 6 n /i 6 " (1 7cm)
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 14107

This bust, together with the votive heads and
the statue previously discussed (cat. nos. 115,
117, 118), was excavated in the early nineteenth
century at the site of the ancient Etruscan city
of Caere (in Etruscan, ceizra) in the Vignali area.
(All four objects came to the Vatican in 1826.)
Before being set aside in one of the favisae, or
votive deposits, the bust, originally, must have
been placed in one of the numerous temples
whose existence R. Mengarelli ascertained in the
course of excavations and studies conducted dur-
ing the first half of the twentieth century.

The work, which was executed by hand- and
finished with a modeling tool, represents a
woman of about thirty. Her pose is strictly frontal,
and her head inclines slightly to the left. Her
upward gaze is common to such portraits. She
wears a light, pleated undergarment, with a
V-form neckline; a cape, falling in vertical folds
over the left shoulder; and earrings (which one
must imagine as gold) made of a tubular hoop
ending in a lion's head. The exceedingly simple
hairdo accords with the directness of the portrait.
Her hair, parted in the middle, rises up at the
top of her forehead in two locks — the right one
is restored — and then falls close to the skull,
behind her ears, where some is gathered in a
small chignon at the nape and some reaches
her shoulders. Two locks of hair curl in front at
her temples.

The woman's physiognomy is characterized
by a high forehead, a large chin and nose, strong
cheekbones, and hollowed cheeks (the right one
has a small scar). Irises and pupils are marked
by light incisions. Reconstructed from fragments,
the bust lacks the right shoulder and the left
earring, and it has a few abrasions and gaps
in the hair.

What is striking, in this apparent effort to
present the truth, is the vague, unfocused expres-
sion that links this bust to those mass-produced
with molds (see cat. nos. 115, 117, 118), which

less well-to-do worshipers left behind after their
visits to the sacred places of the Etruscan and Ital-
ic cults. This faithful portrait — unquestionably
individualized — is exceptional, cut, as it is, at the
shoulders. Such a form is, in fact, common in
Latium and in Magna Graecia for both votive
and funeral portraits, but it is rare in Etruria.
Instead, in Etruria it is much more usual to find
—besides ex-votos reproducing various parts of
the human body — the features of the votary re-
duced to just the head or, sometimes, even to
only one side of the head, shown in profile.

This portrait has been dated between the end
of the second and the beginning of the first cen-
tury b.c. Nonetheless, the date of the earring,
clearly recognizable as a type of Greek-Italiote
object found in Tarentine tombs of the fourth
century b.c, makes one reconsider. This detail
coincides with the already indicated Latin — and,
perhaps indirectly, southern Italian — correspon-
dences for the bust. Moreover, the preference to
represent a more ethically attractive reality rath-
er than an aesthetically pleasing one seems to
place the sculpture in that "central Italic" por-
trait tradition better known through its male
examples, such as the Capitoline Brutus and
other portraits in bronze and terracotta, with
which, by now, the Vatican bust is commonly
grouped.

We should consider this sculpture an excep-
tional work, an expression of the taste of the
aristocracy that might have existed at Caere —
a cultivated and precociously philo-Roman
city — in the middle of the Republican era. I
propose a date for the bust within the first half
of the third century b.c.

F.R.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: T. Dohrn, in W Helbig, Fiihrer durch
die offentlichen Sammlungen klassischer Altertumer in Rom:
Die Papstlichen Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, I,
4th ed., Tubingen, 1963, pp. 589-90, no. 799; M. F. Kilmer,
The Shoulder Bust in Sicily and South and Central Italy: A
Catalogue and Materials for Dating ( Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology, LI), Goteborg, 1977, pp. 228-29, n. 112, figs.
183-185; for the earrings: G. Becatti, Oreflcerie antiche dalle
minoiche alle barbariche, Rome, 1955, p. 194, n. 376,
pi. XCVIII; for the Capitoline Brutus: F. Zevi, in Roma Medio
Repubblicana, Rome, 1973, pp. 31-32, n. 1.

199

THE

COLLECTIONS

GREEK aw ROMAN
ANTIQUITIES

IN THE 19th AND 20th CENTURIES

The names of two popes are connected with the
founding of new museums for classical antiqui-
ties in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries:
The family name of Pius VII (1800-1823)
distinguishes the Museo Chiaramonti, and Greg-
ory XVI ( 1 83 1 - 46) gave the Museo Gregoriano
Profano in the Palazzo Lateranense both its name and its
purpose. The first- named museum comprises the easterly corri-
dor connecting the Papal Palace with the Palazzetto del Bel-
vedere and the new structure called the Braccio Nuovo. The
other was set up in the Palazzo Lateranense as a "national
museum" of the papal states; it remained there for nearly
one hundred and twenty years, until, in 1963, its collections
were transferred to the Vatican.

When Pius VII entered Rome on July 3, 1800, after hav-
ing been elected pope in Venice on March 14, he found that
the Vatican Museum contained only the empty pedestals on
which antique statues and busts had stood. One, therefore,
can understand how the pope, in 1801, would wish to forbid
the statue of Perseus, just completed in Rome by Antonio
Canova, to be taken out of the papal states. Instead, he bought
it himself for 3,000 zecchini, and had it placed on the pedes-
tal of the Apollo Belvedere in the Cortile Ottagono, "Cura Pii
VII" ("thanks to the providence of Pius VII"), as an inscription
on its base proclaims. Perseus holds up the head of the Medu-
sa triumphantly in his left hand, while, in his lowered right
hand, he carries his sickle-shaped sword — the pose unmis-
takably borrowed from the Apollo Belvedere. In 1802, Canova
was entrusted with the supervision of monuments through-
out the entire state. He created the Museo Chiaramonti, and
he commissioned young painters from the Accademia di San
Luca to represent the glorious deeds of the Chiaramonti pope
in the lunettes of the museum's gallery.

The inscription under the painting depicting the gallery
of the new museum founded by Pius VII reads: mvsevm •

claramontanvm/pioclementino • adebctvm. It was painted by
Filippo Agricola (fig. 39). The winged genius of the arts ap-
pears seated in the center. He has placed his left arm gently
and encouragingly across the shoulders of a putto, whose
attributes mark him as being representative of Sculpture. With
his extended right hand the genius points to the entrance of
the Museo Chiaramonti. One clearly can recognize the two
columns at the entrance to the Galleria Lapidaria, behind
which various antique statues on grave altars are visible. Op-
posite the genius are two additional putti, their attributes
associating them with Architecture and Painting. The latter
holds an unrolled scroll in front of his picture frame inscribed
pivs • vn / p • m • / a[nno] • vii, with the date of the depict-
ed event, the opening of the new museum in the years 1806-7.

In the following year, 1808, the first part of an ambi-
tious catalogue appeared: // Museo Chiaramonti aggiunto al
Pio-Clementino , by Filippo Aurelio Visconti and Giuseppe An-
tonio Guattani. The introduction speaks of "this collection
of ancient inscriptions, of which Europe sees no other that
is similar. ..." Gaetano Marini (1740-1815) arranged the
more than 3,300 stone inscriptions according to thematic
context and title. He placed the profane inscriptions on the
east side of the corridor facing the city, and the Christian
ones on the opposite wall facing the courtyard. With respect
to the exhibition of the sculptures, one reads in the same
introduction: "We have differed in the disposition of the monu-
ments from the system of the Museo Pio-Clementino, for, in
ours, the statues, busts, [and] reliefs are combined, in order
to deal comprehensively with each subject. " It was attempted,
therefore, to group the sculptures according to theme. The
walls are divided by a simple arrangement of pilasters. There
are nearly one thousand sculptures and fragments, their origi-
nal installation by and large preserved even today: statues of
gods and portrait sculptures, busts and herms, altars and ar-
chitectural ornaments, urns and sarcophagi. The disposition

200

FIG. 39. FILIPPO AGRICOLA. THE OPENING OF THE MUSEO CHIARAMONTI IN 1806. FRESCO. GALLERIA CHIARAMONTI

of the sculptures within the individual compartments is gov-
erned by the laws of symmetry; compartments with only
three large statues alternate with others displaying a quantity
of busts, heads, and fragments. Opposite walls correspond to
each other in the organization of the compartments; however,
portraits and heads with portrait-like features predominate
on the east wall (the city side), while on the west wall (the
courtyard side) one finds primarily idealized sculptures. The
Greek tomb relief depicting a mounted rider (see cat. no.
122) was also exhibited in the Museo Chiaramonti in 1823;
it had been acquired by the cardinal-camerlengo one year
after Canova's death and remained there until 1960, when,
in the course of gathering together the few Greek originals in
the Vatican for didactic purposes, the horseman was trans-
ferred to the Salette degli Originali Greci.

With the fall of Napoleon, in 1815, the return of the
works of art from Paris became a possibility. At the urging of
Cardinal- Secretary of State Consalvi, who represented Rome's
interests at the Congress of Vienna, Pius VII dispatched Cano-
va to Paris. The understandable resistance on the part of the
French commissioners was only overcome with the energetic
support of the representatives of the Protestant countries —
above all, William Richard Hamilton, Wilhelm von Humboldt,
and the Duke of Wellington. Their efforts ensured the trans-
port of these treasures back to Rome.

The return of the ancient sculptures to Rome permitted
Pius VII to realize his plans for the expansion of the museum
that had been developing since 1806. The architect of the
Apostolic See, Raffaele Stern, brought them to an adequate
solution in 1817. Stern's presentation of his designs to the
pope is depicted as an event from the year 1818 in a wall
fresco by Domenico De Angelis in the Sala Clementina of
the Vatican Library (fig. 40). Below the fresco is the inscrip-
tion (in Latin): "By order of Pius VII, the Museum and Li-
brary were connected by a lofty portal and a chamber built

from the foundations, where the collected works were placed,
in the year 1818. " The setting of the scene is at the entrance
leading from the Galleria Lapidaria into the Museo Chiara-
monti. Behind the pope one can already see the door open-
ing into the Braccio Nuovo, and the coat of arms of Pius VII
above it, with the dedicatory inscription (in Latin) : "Pius VII
Pontifex Maximus built a new space, intended for the dis-
play of the works recovered and collected by him, in the
eighteenth year of his pontificate."

The Braccio Nuovo connects the two long, corridor-like
wings of Bramante's courtyard plan. Its interior is repro-
duced most impressively in the engraving by Antonio
Acquaroni (fig. 41). The middle point is developed as a
central space, with a dome and apses, while the two arms,
covered by coffered barrel vaulting, stress the essence of the
whole as an extended corridor. The walls and ceiling are
arranged and decorated in the antique manner, the exhibited
sculptures forming an integral part of the system of
ornamentation. The statues are set quite regularly in the niches,
alternating with busts of nearly identical height, on fragments
of columns also of approximately the same height. Above,
between the arches of the niches, there is a regular repetition
of busts placed on consoles, and, at the top, a plaster frieze
that is not antique, although its composition and motifs are
modeled carefully after antique examples. These reliefs were
created by Maximilien Laboureur. The interior receives its
sole illumination from overhead, through the apex of the
vaulting. Early- nineteenth-century taste deemed it best to dis-
play antique sculptures in this way, providing them with a
classical context. When the Braccio Nuovo first opened, the
Portrait Statue in the Form of Omphale (see cat. no. 133) was
displayed there, as was the Augustus of Prima Porta (see cat.
no. 128) , in the very year that it was discovered. The Augustus
replaced a statue of Asklepios that had been exhibited in the
Braccio Nuovo from 1833 to 1863.

201

In the opinion of Pope Gregory XVI, it was not enough
that the Vatican Museums enriched the "Magnificenza" of
the Eternal City and maintained its primacy in the three arts of
architecture, sculpture, and painting; this was praiseworthy,
but it could not be everything. "These images of false gods,
these likenesses of consuls, of emperors, of men in togas
[togati], who either did not know, or who persecuted the
Christian religion, at a glance, they likewise can be seen as
the spoils of defeated enemies, as trophies of the victory won
by the Cross over idolatry and idolators."

One such "trophy" is the statue of Sophokles (see cat.
no. 131). It was a gift to Gregory XVI in 1839 from the
Antonelli family of Terracina. Since this portrait statue could
be given no appropriate place in the existing museums in the
Vatican and on the Campidoglio — although the sculpture
was one of the noblest to have survived from antiquity — the
pope used the necessity for providing a worthy setting for
the Sophokles as the justification for establishing the Museo
Gregoriano Profano in the Palazzo Lateranense, which just
then was being restored. The antique finds from the papal
states, primarily from Rome, Cerveteri (Caere) , Veii, and Ostia,
which had been collecting in the storerooms of the Vatican
because of the Pacca Edict of April 7, 1820, were now moved
to the Palazzo Lateranense and set up in the ground-floor
rooms. On May 16, 1844, the Feast of the Ascension, the
Museo Gregoriano Profano Lateranense ceremoniously was
opened. When the papal states were dissolved in 1870, this
museum no longer had the same function, and it now stood
outside the territorial possessions of the pope. With the for-
mation of the Italian state, the Museo Nazionale Romano
delle Terme became the repository of new finds. To be sure, a
few small territories remained under the sovereignty of the
Vatican, as a result of the Lateran Treaty of 1929, among
them the Palazzo della Cancelleria on the Corso Vittorio
Emanuele. When foundation work became necessary on this
structure in 1937 — and, for this purpose, excavations were
made beneath it — the remains of the tomb monument of
Aulus Hirtius and some large Roman friezes were discovered
at a depth of more than sixteen feet. One of the latter reliefs
is the Frieze of the "Altar of the Vicomagistri" (see cat. no.
130). The relief slabs were placed in the Vatican, and, since
1970, have been exhibited in the newly built Museo
Gregoriano Profano.

On the eve of the Second Vatican Council, Pope John
XXIII (1958-63) contemplated giving more importance to
his bishop's seat in San Giovanni in Laterano. He expressed
such a wish on June 24, 1962, the Feast of Saint John the
Baptist, in an address in the basilica: "The Pope, Bishop of
Rome, consolidating the offices of the Administration of the
Diocese near the basilican cathedral, the gleaming Lateran
[Lateranum fulgens], and disposing of the palaces that sur-
round it, would be able to collect there, with more breathing
space, all or almost all of the organization of the Diocese of
Rome." On February 1, 1963, the museums in the Palazzo
Lateranense were closed and the collections immediately
moved to the Vatican. To house them, a new wing was erect-
ed to the north of the Pinacoteca, connected to the existing
museum complex that had evolved through the centuries.

FIG. 40. DOMENICO DE ANGELIS. RAFFAELE STERN
PRESENTING HIS PLANS FOR THE BRACCIO NUOVO TO PIUS VII.
FRESCO. 1818. GALLERIA CLEMENTINA, VATICAN LIBRARY

The task was accomplished by the Passarelli firm of architects.
An attempt was made to use this opportunity to sort, separate,
and reorganize the artistic heritage and to present it in a new
way. Thus, this newly established museum differs in kind
and in arrangement from the older sculpture galleries in the
Vatican, standing in sharpest contrast to them. The Museo
Pio-Clementino and the Museo Chiaramonti with the Brac-
cio Nuovo, which have remained virtually unchanged in
structure, not only display their antique sculpture but pre-
sent it in the manner in which it was understood in the sec-
ond half of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the
nineteenth. On June 1 5 , 1 9 70 , the Museo Gregoriano Profano
once again became accessible in the Vatican. The dedicatory
inscription (in Latin) at its entrance proclaims: "These most
remarkable monuments . . . John XXIII Pontifex Maximus
wished to have fittingly and suitably transferred to this place
built as a great undertaking and Roman enterprise near the
glorious memorial to Saint Peter."

Georg Daltrop

BIBLIOGRAPHY: On the Museo Chiaramonti: II Museo Ciaramonti aggiunto al Pio-
Clementino da N. S. Pio VII p.m., I, con I'esplicazione de'sigg. F. A. Visconti e G. A. Guattani,
Rome, 1808, 77, con la dichiarazione di A. Nibby, Rome, 1837, 777, con la dichiarazione
di A. Nibby e i monumenti descritti da L. Biondi, Rome, 1843; R A. Visconti and G.A.
Guattani, II museo Chiaramonti, Milan, 1820 (Vol. I above, in smaller format, with
foreword by G. Labus); E. Massi, Museo Chiaramonti al Vaticano, Rome, 1858;
B. Nogara, "II Card. Ercole Consalvi e le antichita e le belle arti," in Nel I centenario della
morte del Card. Ercole Consalvi 24 gennaio 1924, Rome, 1925, pp. 84-101; C Pietrangeli,
"I musei Vaticani dopo Tolentino," in Strenna dei Romanisti, 1975, pp. 354-59;
U. Hiesinger, "Canova and the Frescoes of the Galleria Chiaramonti," in The Burlington
Magazine, 120, 1978, pp. 655-65; C. Pietrangeli, "U primo regolamento dei musei
Vaticani," in Strenna dei Romanisti, 1981, pp. 362-73; on the Museo Gregoriano Profano
Lateranense: R. Garrucci, Monumenti del Museo Lateranense descritti e illustrati, Rome,
1861; O. Benndorf and R. Schone, Die antiken Bildwerke des lateranensischen Museums,
Leipzig, 1867; 0. Marucchi, Guida del Museo Lateranense profano e cristiano, Rome,
1922; E. Josi, "II Museo Gregoriano Lateranense," in Gregorio XVI, Miscellanea
commemorativa a cura dei padri Camaldolesi di S. Gregorio al Celio, I, Rome, 1948, pp.
201-21; E Mancinelli and E Roncalli, "Trasferimento delle raccolte lateranensi al
vaticano," in Bollettino dei Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, I, 1 (1959-74),
1977, pp. 15-29, and also in Rendiconti della PontificiaAccademia di Archeologia, 48, 1975/76,
pp. 401-15.

202

FIG. 41. ANTONIO ACQUARONI. THE BRACCIO NUOVO IN 1822. ENGRAVING

203

123

122

GREEK GRAVE RELIEF, WITH A
HORSEMAN

Boeotia, c. 430 b.c.
Limestone

Height, 27 9 A 6 " (70cm); width, 22 «///' (58cm);

depth, 6V,6-3 9 / i6 " (16-9 cm)
Museo Gregoriatio Etrusco, Saletta degli Originali

Greci, Inv. no. 1684

The horse and rider belonged to a large grave
relief. Only the neck and the upper portion of
the head of the horse are preserved; missing from
the rider are his right calf and foot and the part
of his garment that would billow back. The nose
and wrist of the rider and the ear of the horse
have been restored. In the upper-right-hand cor-
ner of the block, a piece has been added with
the inscription "1823.cc.30," the date of its ac-
quisition by the cardinal-camerlengo. (The
cardinal-camerlengo supervises the property and
temporal rights of the Holy See.)

This fragment of a stele was brought back from
Greece as war booty by the Venetians, under
Francesco Morosini, in 1687. It was owned by
Doge Marcantonio Giustiniani, and later became
part of the collection in the Palazzo Giustiniani
in Rome. At the suggestion of the commission
on monuments, in 1823 it was obtained by the

cardinal-camerlengo for the Vatican Museums,
through the efforts of Vicenzo Camuccini, and,
until 1960, it was displayed in the Museo
Chiaramonti (XXXI, 17).

A bearded, mature man is riding a spirited
horse bareback. The rider appears to be calm
and self-assured. He sits upright, looking direct-
ly ahead. He wears a short chiton and the
chlarnys, or mantle, buttoned at the right shoul-
der. His extended fist held the rein, which,
presumably, was of bronze, and has been lost.
The close-reined horse holds its head high. Its
cropped mane is splendidly portrayed. Below
the horse's head are the folds of a cloak that
must belong to another rider.

In style, the relief shows the direct influence
of the Parthenon frieze and of the art of Pheidias.
The play offerees between the impetuous horse,
with its large eye, and the relaxed rider constitutes
the charm of the work.

Funerary monuments were among the most
important forms of Greek sculpture. As memori-
als to specific individuals, they provided sculptors
with the opportunity to confer permanence on
the deceased while expressing universal, rather
than specific, human characteristics.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. Amelung, Die Sculpturen des Vati-
canischen Museums, I, Berlin, 1903, pp. 533-34, no. 372 A,
pi. 58; W. Helbig, Ftihrer dutch die offentlichen Samm-
lungen klassischer Altertumer in Rom: Die Pdpstlichen
Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, I, 4th ed.Jiibingen,
1963, no. 871.

GREEK VOTIVE RELIEF, WITH A
HORSEMAN

Presumably from 'tyndaris (Sicily), early 4th

century b. c.
Marble (Pentelic ?)

Height, 21 'A" (54 cm); width, 24 Vz" (62. 7cm);

depth, 1 Vie" (4 cm)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Sala Clementina,

Inv. no. 4092

Except for the upper- right corner, the relief is
completely preserved. The missing reins possibly
were represented by strips of bronze, to which
the hole for attachment on the horse's neck
would attest, or they might have been painted
on, as was also the case with the strap of the
petasos (or broad-brimmed hat).

Ceremoniously excavated in Pompeii in the
presence of Pius IX, in 1849, and presented to
the pope as a gift by Ferdinand II, King of the
Two Sicilies, the relief appears to have been
buried there only a short time before, planted —
as it were — for the pope to find. It is assumed
to have come from the storerooms of the Naples
museum, where antique sculptures from Tyndaris
are believed to have been transferred just before.

A young rider is represented, without a saddle,
reining in his horse. He swings a whip in his
right hand, while, in his left, he must have held
the reins. He wears a chiton and a chlamys fas-
tened on his right shoulder, a petasos, and
sandals. The horse rears up on its hind legs, its
forelegs extended well forward and its neck
arched back.

The dynamic of the composition, based upon
and suffused by the contrasting strengths of horse
and rider, is developed in even the slightest
details. The competing wills of man and animal
are ultimately tested in the moment of reining
in, the violent motion of which is imparted by
the diagonals, although the whole forms a bal-
anced unity. This harmony of freedom and con-
straint is characteristic of Greek classicism of
about 400 b.c.

In format, this small relief, with its projecting
edge and cyma at the top, belongs to the class of
votive sculptures that were set up in a sanctuary
as testimony to a solemn pledge. If it does, in fact,
come from Tyndaris — named after the sons of
Tyndareus, the Tyndaridae or Dioskouroi — it is
likely that the work was consecrated to the Dios-
kouroi, or even to Kastor, the horse tamer, alone.

The respect enjoyed by horsemanship in Ath-
ens during the Classic period of the fifth and
fourth centuries b.c. is evidenced by the numer-
ous representations of horsemen, such as the
previous grave relief (see cat. no. 122) and, most
notably, the Parthenon frieze, but the writings
of Simon and Xenophon tell us even more, espe-
cially the latter, who, for the benefit of young
people, recorded his experiences and his thoughts
on horsemanship, after a lifetime of dealing with
horses. According to Xenophon, a parade horse
must possess a "noble soul" and a "powerful
body" (xfiv i|/oxf|v ueyaXotppova Kai to u&\ia
Eupcocrxov).

This vivid image of a rider on a rearing horse
represents the new and bold manner in which

204

the theme was expressed in the fifth to the fourth
century b.c. It provided an important source of
inspiration for the artists of the Renaissance —
above all, for Leonardo da Vinci — and was trans-
fused with Baroque pathos in the art of Bernini
and of Etienne Maurice Falconet.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: P Arndt and G. Lippold, in Brunn-
Bruckmann, Die Denkmdler griechischer und romischer
Sculptur, Munich, pi. 729 (rt.); W Helbig, Fiihrer durch
die offentlichen Sammlungen klassischer Alterttimer in Rom:
Die Pdpstlichen Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, I, 4th
ed., Tubingen, 1963, no. 471; F. Magi, "La stele greca della
Biblioteca Vaticana," in Melanges Eugbie Tisserant, III, Vati-
can City, 1964, pp. 1-9, pi. 1; G. Daltrop, in L. von Matt,
Die Kunstsammlungen der Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,
Cologne, 1969, pp. 11-12, 165, pi. 2.

124

HERM OF PERIKLES

Roman copy (2nd century a. d.), after a Greek

original of c. 429 b.c.
Pentelic marble
Height, 72 'A 6 " (183 cm)
Museo Pio-Clementino, Sala delleMuse,

Inv. no. 269

The portrait herm is recomposed out of four
pieces: the face; the back of the head, with the
helmet; and the upper and lower portions of
the shaft. In 1780, it was restored and recon-
structed by Giuseppe Pierantoni, who added the
tip of the nose, the right cheek portion and the
lower point of the left cheek of the helmet, and

the left shoulder with part of the armpit.

The herm was excavated in April 1779 on the
site of the so-called Villa of Cassius, south of
Tivoli, where, four years before, the statues of
the Muses and the Apollo Musagetes (see cat. nos.
54-56) had come to light. At the pope' s behest,
Giovanni Corradi, Inspector of Excavations in
the papal states, carried out the excavations for
the Vatican Museums. That May, in the same
excavation, a replica of the Herm of Perikles was
found that was sold through Gavin Hamilton to
the Townley Collection as a duplicate, later to
be acquired by the British Museum.

The Greek inscription on the shaft, "Perikles,
son of Xanthippos, the Athenian," identifies the
portrait as the statesman who was born about
500 b.c. and died of the plague in Athens in
429 b.c. The Corinthian helmet shows the man
as a strategos, or commander-in-chief, the official
position to which Perikles was elected fifteen
times, and whereby he established the base of
his power to influence the Athenian state. Crit-
ics of Perikles called him "onionhead" because
of the anomalous shape of his skull, a fault that,
according to Plutarch (Perikles 3), artists sought
to conceal by means of the helmet. In fact, in the
Vatican copy locks of Perikles' hair are visible
through the eyeholes of the Corinthian helmet,
which has been pushed back from his face.

Four other Roman copies of this portrait head
are known. Among them, the present example
is distinguished by clean, clear, and precise
workmanship, particularly in the representation
of the hair and beard, and it seems to have cap-
tured most faithfully the severity of the orig-
inal — which, in all probability, was a bronze
statue; one may visualize the original in terms

of the bronze statues recently discovered in the
sea off Riace. The herm-and-bust portrait is a
Roman invention, an abbreviation of portrait
statues. According to Pausanias (I, 25, 1; I, 28,
2), such a portrait statue stood on the Akropolis
in Athens, and Pliny (Nat. Hist. , 34, 74) relates
that it was created by Kresilas, who, along with
Pheidias and Polykleitos, was one of the famous
bronze sculptors of the fifth century b.c (The
original base of the statue may be preserved on
the Athenian Akropolis.) Pliny finds the art of
Kresilas remarkable, particularly the portrait of
the Olympian Perikles, because it makes noble
men even more superior: "nobiles viros no-
biliores fecit."

The Greeks invented and developed the clas-
sic art of depicting an individual in a portrait.
The artists of the fifth century b.c explored the
manifold aspects of man's outward appearance
in images that became portraits. In the statue of
Perikles on the Akropolis, Kresilas created one
of the first portraits, through the characteriza-
tion of individual peculiarities, such as the shape
of the skull. The contemporary historian Thu-
cydides has Perikles say of himself: "As concerns
the public estimation of the individual, it is not
the fact that one belongs to a higher class that
places one at an advantage in the community,
but solely one's personal ability" (Thucydides
11,37). G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Lippold, Die Skulpturen des Vatican-
ischen Museums, III, 1, Berlin, 1936, pp. 86-89, no.
525, pi. 15; W Helbig, Fiihrer durch die offentlichen Samm-
lungen klassischer Alterttimer in Rom: Die Pdpstlichen
Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, 1, 4th ed., Tubingen,
1963, no. 71; G. M. A. Richter, The Portraits of the Greeks, I,
London, 1965, pp. 102-4, no. 1, ills. 432, 433, 435.

124 (detail)

205

125-127

STATUES OF ATHENA AND MARSYAS,
AND FRAGMENT OF A HEAD OF
ATHENA

Roman copies (2nd century a. d.), after a Greek
bronze group by Myron, c. 440 b.c.

125. ATHENA

Pentelic marble

Height, 58 'Vie" (149 cm); width, 20 Vie" (51 cm);

depth, 11 'Vie" (30 cm)
Collection of the Lancellotti Family

The statue is completely preserved except for
the head — which, originally, was worked sep-
arately — and the right arm and shoulder. The
left arm, in all probability the original, also was
worked separately and has been fitted on; at
the elbow and in the forearm it has been cleanly
cut through. The only other repairs have been
to the ends of the drapery folds, which, in part,
have fallen off.

The Athena belongs to the family of Massimo
Lancellotti, who owned the Villa Peretti on the
Esquiline where this sculpture once stood.

126. MARSYAS

Pentelic marble

Height: overall, including base, 61 7 Vie" (171 cm);

statue, 61 Vie" (156 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Profano, Inv. no. 9974

The statue is almost completely preserved, ex-
cept for the two arms (incorrectly restored dur-
ing the second quarter of the nineteenth century
and removed in 1925). Both ears, the left calf,
and the front portion of the right foot, together
with the part of the plinth just below it, are
restored. The neck, the left thigh and foot, and
the right calf below the knee and above the ankle
are broken, as is the docked tail, which was sure-
ly long, originally, for traces of it still can be
seen on the left thigh.

The Marsyas was excavated in April 1823 by
Ignazio Vescovali on the Esquiline, in the Via
dei Quattro Cantoni, No. 46-48, and was ac-
quired by the cardinal -camerlengo in 1824, as
the inscription on the base relates: "1824.cc.
312. " A further inscription, mvnificentia • pii •
ix • pont • max, alludes to the fact that the
statue was placed in the Museo Gregoriano
Profano in 1852 — specifically, in the Palazzo
Lateranense, Sala VII, 379 — where it stood until
1963. Since 1970 it has been in the Vatican
Museums.

127. FRAGMENT OF A HEAD
OF ATHENA

Pentelic marble

Height, 6V 4 " (17.2 cm); width, 4 Vie" (11.3 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Profano, Inv. no. 9970

Most of the face and the cheeks as far as the
ears are preserved. The forehead, hair, helmet,
and neck have been restored in plaster, follow-
ing other copies of this head type in Frankfort

127

and in Dresden. The nose, mouth, and chin are
damaged.

The head, who.se provenance is unknown, was
discovered and identified by Walther Amelung
in the sculpture storerooms of the Vatican in
1922. It was exhibited in the Cortile Ottagono
in 1935-36; in the Museo Gregoriano Profano,
in the Palazzo Lateranense, from 1948 to 1963;
and, since 1970, in the Vatican.

THE ATHENA-MARSYAS GROUP

The naked, bearded man obviously belongs to
the order of satyrs and sileni by virtue of his
shaggy appearance; his horse 's tail and his point-
ed ears have been accurately restored. Athena
is clearly recognizable from her helmet; the fact
that the head and body belong together is ap-
parent from the Frankfort copy. The pertinence
of one statue to the other is established by their
respective size and interaction. The attitude of
the satyr reveals that he is advancing delicately
and inquisitively, but, at the same time, his face
and his raised right arm express a sudden hesita-
tion and recoil. Athena represents the opposite
pole from this woodland creature. She stands
firmly and with dignity on her right foot, her
peplos falling to her toes; only the ball of her
left foot touches the ground, as if she is about to
step away. Her face is turned sharply left, in-
clined in the direction of her exposed foot. She
holds her left arm down at her side, her fingers
extended in a gesture of command. Neither figure
makes sense alone, but each refers to the other.

The ancient poets recount the goddess's en-
counter with Marsyas: Athena invented the

207

aulos (a reed instrument). Marsyas crept up to
the goddess while she was playing it, and, when
she flung down the instrument and cursed it,
he leapt back in fright, but without letting the
musical instrument at his feet out of sight. His
determination to possess the instrument proved
to be his undoing. Once he mastered it, he chal-
lenged Apollo to a musical contest, lost, and, in
accordance with Athena's curse, was flayed alive.

In style and composition, the sculptures were
designed specifically to capture this confronta-
tion between Athena and Marsyas, the group
and its details conceived in relation to each other.
Though these figures are copies, the strong con-
trapposto and the rhythmic interplay of the ele-
ments of the original composition are clearly
perceptible here.

Myron of Eleutherai — along with Pheidias
and Polykleitos one of the best-known Athe-

nian sculptors of bronze in the fifth century b.c.
— created an Athena-Marsyas group that was
placed on the Akropolis in Athens; this we can
determine by combining the testimony of two
writers from antiquity, Pliny and Pausanias. The
group is reflected in a contemporary Attic vase
painting in which two auloi are shown in mid-
air, falling between Athena and Marsyas; this
moment was denied to the sculptor in his three-
dimensional representation.

These marble copies of Myron's Athena-
Marsyas group are of extreme importance, inas-
much as they permit us a glimpse of a lost mas-
terpiece of Greek sculpture that was mentioned
in the ancient literature and alluded to in con-
temporary vase painting. In essence, Marsyas
and Athena embody the confrontation between
an orgiastic world of intoxication and one of
melodic Olympian clarity and purity. The fig-

ures are composed in such a way that they do
not merely stand next to each other, as in ar-
chaic representations; rather, they are linked,
not by a common action (as, for example, in the
"tyrannicides group by Kritios and Nesiotes), but
through opposing forces. The meeting between
Athena and Marsyas is depicted at the moment
when impending fate — the seizing of the wind
instrument — perhaps, still could be averted.
The open space in the center of the composition
is left free for the musical instrument — the rea-
son for the confrontation, yet, at the same time,
the key to Marsyas's "tragedy. "

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. A. Weis, "The 'Marsyas' of Myron:
Old Problems and New Evidence," in American Journal of
Archaeology, 83, 1979, pp. 214-19; G. Daltrop, // gruppo
mironiano di Athena e Marsia nei Musei Vaticani, Vatican
City, 1980.

128

AUGUSTUS OF PRIMA PORTA

Borne, about the time of the birth of Christ
Luni marble, with traces of ancient polychromy
Height: overall, including base, 86 l A" (219 cm);

statue, 81 W (207cm); head, 11 Vie" (29 cm)
Braccio Nuovo, Inv. no. 2290

Under the direction of the Roman sculptor Pietro
Tenerani, this superbly preserved statue, slight-
ly larger than life, was restored only minimally
— most noticeably, in the fingers of the right hand
and the forefinger of the left hand. The plinth
has been set into a modern base. Significant are
the traces of paint, which must have been more
obvious when the statue was discovered; the
use of a reddish circle to indicate the iris of the
eye is especially noteworthy. The head was carved
separately. The back of the statue is not finished,
its reliefs incomplete (the tropaion, or victory
monument, and Nike's wings) , suggesting that,
originally, the Augustus was placed in a niche.

On the Via Flaminia, above the village of
Prima Porta, some nine miles north of Rome,
this armored statue was discovered on April 20,
1863, in the ruins of the Villa "ad Gallinas
Albas," which belonged at one time to Livia,
the second wife of Augustus. On September 1,
1863, in the eighteenth year of the pontificate
of Pius IX, the Augustus was installed in the Brac-
cio Nuovo. The first custodian recorded a visit
from the pope two days later: "After the Holy
Father had studied it carefully, he praised the
work of the armor, the head, and especially the
drapery."

From the portrait head, the figure can be iden-
tified without doubt as Augustus. Characteristic
is the way his hair is worn on his foi chead, with
a part over his left eye and a double lock over
his right. He is portrayed as a general, for, on
top of the short undergarment, he wears parade
armor embellished with reliefs, and around his
hips he has draped his paludamentum, or

officer's cloak. The fingers of the right hand have
been restored in such a way that they suggest
the gesture of ad locutio, or address, but it is also
possible that the right hand once held a lance
(hasta). A scepter has been placed in the left
hand, but a sword is more likely to have been
there originally; the battle standard recaptured
from the Parthians is also a possibility. The re-
turn of this standard, which had been lost in 53
b.c. under Crassus, forms the central scene in
the relief on the breastplate. The Parthian is sur-
rendering it to the Roman in military dress.
Above this scene is the sky-god Caelus and the
quadriga with the sun-god Sol, preceded by Au-
rora with a torch and the Morning Dew with a
jug. Mother Earth reclines below, with a cornu-
copia, a garland of wheat, and two frolicking
children. A god approaches from either side:
Apollo, with his lyre, riding a griffin; Diana, with
a torch, seated on a stag. On either side of the
central scene are long-haired seated figures, per-
sonifications of Roman provinces: the conquered
one with an empty sheath, the unconquered with
a sword. The dolphin with the small Amor that
functions as a support evokes the sea-born Venus,
who, as Venus Genetrix, was the revered ances-
tress of the imperial house.

Every aspect of the sculpture is developed not
for its own sake, but for its allegorical and sym-
bolic value. The Doryphoros of Polykleitos —
which the Romans thought of as "effigies
Achillea" (Pliny, Nat. Hist., 34, 18)— was the
model for the statue type. Though certain details,
such as the raised arm, have been changed, the
image of the Doryphoros is still present, as in
the stylized treatment of the hair.

This Augustus is not an original work, but,
rather, a reworking of classical models — as was
typical of Attic workshops about 20 b.c.
(when the banner lost by Crassus was peace-
ably returned to Augustus). It would appear to
have been based on a bronze original that Livia

had placed in her villa outside the gates of Rome.
Originally, the statue must have honored Au-
gustus for his diplomatic victory in achieving
the return of the standard on peaceful terms.
This success, worthy of a triumph, made more
of an impression than an actual victory in battle
would have, in Rome. "Your age, Augustus, per-
mitted the fields to bear rich harvests once more,
and returned to our skies the battle standards,
wrenched from the proud barbarians" (Horace,
Carmina, IV, 15, 4-7).

Art has become the purveyor of an idea. The
grandeur of the Roman imperium is personified
by the emperor. Augustus announces the end
of an earlier humiliation with a bloodless victory
and the recognition of the preeminence of Rome.
He demonstrates his successful politics of peace,
the pax augusta, which Virgil (Aeneid, VI, 851 -
853) formulated as Rome's destiny:

Remember thou, O Roman, to rule the

nations with thy sway —
these shall be thine arts — to crown

peace with law,
to spare the humbled, and to tame in war

the proud.

And, in fact, with the advent of the Emperor
Augustus, a new age began: "And it came to
pass in those days, that there went out a decree
from Caesar Augustus, that all the world should
be taxed." (Luke 2:1)

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W Amelung, Die Sculpturen des Vati-
canischen Museums, I, Berlin, 1903, pp. 19-28, no. 14,
pi. 2; W Helbig, Fuhrer durch die cffentlkhen Sammlungen
klassischer Altertumer in Rom: Die Pdpstlichen Sammlungen
im Vatikan und Lateran, I, 4th ed., Tubingen, 1963, no.
41 1; H. Jucker, "Dokumentation zur Augustusstatue von
Primaporta," in Hefte des Archaologischen Seminars der
Universitdt Bern, 3 (1977), pp. 16-37 (extensive annotat-
ed bibliography); K. Vierneisel and P. Zanker, DieBildnisse
des Augustus (exhib. cat.), Munich, 1978, pp. 45-46,
50-51.

208

209

129

DOUBLE PORTRAIT OF GRATIDIA M. L.
CHRITE AND M. GRATIDIUS LIBANUS

Rome, last quarter of the 1st century b. c.
White marble, with traces of polychromy
Height, 23 %" (68 cm); width, 35 Vie" (90 cm);

depth, 11" (28 cm)
Museo Pio-Clementino, Sala dei Busti, Inv. no. 592

The back of the sculpture has been sawed off,
and the tops and backs of the heads are roughly
cut. The base, and the portions of drapery direct-
ly on top of it, are modern restorations. Other-
wise, there is only minimal damage — to the
drapery folds and to the edges of the ears. The
traces of pigment suggest that the work may
once have been painted.

On the basis of information in the Codex
Barberinianus (Vat. Barb. lat. 2016), of about
1580, the double portrait was in the Roman gar-
den of the Florentine Archbishop Cardinal
Alessandro de' Medici (in 1605, he became Pope
Leo XI), in the vicinity of the Basilica of Con-

stantine and the Temple of Venus and Roma.
What is most important is that the only remain-
ing mention of the inscription, with the names
of the couple, "Gratidia M. L. Chrite, M. Gratid-
ius Libanus," is given in the Codex. The actual
inscription is lost; it was removed along with
the back of the marble block and the frame
around the busts.

The group, which is so effectively three-
dimensional, was originally a relief in a niche.
(The condition suggests that the reworking is
modern.) It served as a funerary relief, of the
type usual at the end of the Republic and the
beginning of the Empire. In 1770, Clement XIV
acquired the sculpture from the Mattei Collec-
tion for his museum in the Vatican. (The French
inscription on the back dates from the time of
the sculpture's deportation to Paris: 1798-1816.)

Because of their stern and righteous appear-
ance, the pair came to be known as Calo and
Porcia. The busts are side by side, the wife on
the husband's right. Their clasped hands join
them in the gesture of dextrarum iunctio. The
heads are turned toward one another, but they
do not relate. The man's left hand grasps the
border of his toga, while the wife's left hand
rests on her husband's right shoulder. He wears

a tunic and toga; she, an undergarment and
mantle. Her hair is parted in the middle and
pulled back in flat strands, presumably gath-
ered at the nape, leaving her ears free. His hair,
indicated by broad, flat, closely spaced grooves,
appears to be cut short. Her face, in its stylized
depiction, is smooth, and, therefore, rather tune-
lessly youthful — a characteristic of Augustan
classicism — while his is striking in its rigorously
rendered detail: it is deeply furrowed, the eyes
set beneath the shadow of the protruding brow.
These sober, unsentimental characterizations,
aiming at realism, are representative of the Late
Republican style.

The pair was incorporated into the facade of
a tomb as a relief. They appeared to be looking
out of their "domus aeterna," as if through a
window. From the late first century b.c. on, this
type of portrait was favored, above all, by
freedmen. The clasped hands of the couple indi-
cate their status; as slaves they would not have
been permitted to marry. Gratidius bears a Greek
cognomen, "Libanus"; he is doubtless the son
of a freedman: libertino patre natus. The wife's
name, Chrite, also indicates a non-Roman
ancestry; she, too, is from the class of freedmen.

Of the more than one hundred known Roman

130

FRIEZE OF THE 'ALTAR OF THE
VICOMAGISTRI"

Rome, mid-lst century a. d.
Italian marble

Height, 40 'Vie" (104 cm); width, at base, 15 ' 5 W

(472 cm); depth, at base, 8"/i 6 " (22 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Profano, Inv. nos. 1156, 1157

Two slabs of different lengths fit together to form
this frieze, once part of a monument, presum-
ably a large altar. The upper edge is prepared for

further blocks. At each end of the frieze, the
ornamentation continues back along the sides.
Thus, it is clear that the original length of this
side of the relief, with its sacrificial procession,
is preserved. Because the larger slab was bro-
ken into six fragments, the surface of its relief is
less well preserved than that of the smaller one.
Except for scattered damage — above all, to the
heads, arms, and legs — the reliefs are in good
condition.

The slabs were discovered in Rome — one in
1937, the other in 1939 — during work on the
foundation of the Palazzo della Cancelleria. They
lay more than sixteen feet below the northwest
corner of the palace. The smaller slab was
leaning, relief side down, against the west wall

of the tomb of the consul Aulus Hirtius, while
the other was in a horizontal position, relief side
up (hence, its poorer state of preservation). In
ancient Rome, this site was part of the Campus
Martius, and the Senate authorized a state burial
there for Aulus Hirtius, who was killed at the
Battle of Mutina in 43 b.c.

The relief depicts a sacrificial procession of
thirty-eight men and boys, moving right. A
sacrificial bull, calf, and cow occupy the center
of the scene. They have been decked out for the
sacrifice with knotted woolen fillets on their
heads and broad bands (dorsulae) around their
flanks. A number of sacrificial attendants busy
themselves around the animals. In front of them
march three trumpeters; lyre and flute players

210

tomb reliefs of this type, none compares even
remotely with the portraits of the Gratidii in
quality and representative imposingness. The
noble Roman virtues of fides and concordia are
exemplified by this double portrait. It belongs
among the series of portraits of married couples
that includes, for example, the wedding portrait
of Giovanni Amolfini and Giovanna Cenami by
Jan van Eyck (of 1434), and Rubens's Self -Portrait
with Isabella Brant (of 1609-10), set in a hon-
eysuckle arbor. Between 1838 and 1841, inspired
by the monument of the Gratidii, Christian
Rauch created the gravestone for the founder of
modern historical science, Barthold Georg
Niebuhr, and his wife; it is in the cemetery in
Bonn, a gift of Friedrich Wilhelm IV,

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W Amelung, Die Sculpt uren des Vati-
canisthen Museums. II. Berlin, 1903. pp. 572-74, no, 388.
pi. 65; C. Hiilsen. "Die Grabgruppe eines romischen
Ehepaares im Vatikan," in Rheinisches Museum fur
Philologie, 68, 191 3, pp. 16-21; W. Hclbig, Fiihrer durch
die offentlichen Sammlungen klassischer Altertumer in Rom:
Die Papstlichen Sammlungen im Vatikan und Later an. I, 4th
ed., TUbingen, 1963, no. 199; P Zanker. "Grabreliefs
romischer Freigelassener," in Jahrbuch des Deutschen
Archaologischen Instituts. 90, 1975, pp. 285-87, ill. 17.

follow. The procession is led by two togati in
patrician shoes (calcei patricii) . The three lictors
carrying fasces (bundles of rods, with projecting
axes) in the background suggest that these two
togati are, in fact, the two consuls. A group of
boys {ministri) and a group of men follow the
sacrificial ariimals and the musicians; in the plane
behind stand togati with laurel wreaths on their
heads. The four boys are barefoot, and each has
a fringed tunic covering his head. In their left
hands three of them carry a figurine on a base:
two of these are Lares (dancing figures in short
tunics, with raised drinking horns); the third is
a statuette of a togatus, representing the genius
of the ruling emperor, which — since the time of
Augustus — was honored along with the Lares.

The four togati bringing up the rear, wearing long-
tongued boots, and laurel wreaths on their heads,
are the vicomagistri.

The peculiarities of the style, the repetitious
arrangement of the frieze, the regular alignment
of the figures, and the proportion of figures to
the whole suggest that the relief dates to the
time of Claudius — about a.d. 50. The togas, the
detailing of the surviving heads (which are typi-
cally Roman) in the foreground of the very high
relief, and also the archaizing severity in the rep-
resentation of ornaments on the profiles all cor-
respond to the style of this period.

The processional frieze belongs within the ar-
chitectonic context of a large monument — in all
probability, a monumental imperial altar such

as the Ara Pacis. Among the sacrificial animals
in the procession, the bull symbolizes the ge-
nius of Augustus. The cult of the Lares, headed
by four vicomagistri, was reestablished in Rome
by Augustus, and associated with the worship
of the protective spirit of the emperor. Soon after,
the Lares and this genius had been fused into a
single entity, known as the Lares Augusti, that,
essentially, served the cult of the emperor. This
cult did not worship his person, but, rather, the
power of the Roman Empire that he embodied.
Participation in the cult was an expressed recog-
nition of a political reality, not a religious
confession.

In size and character, the processional frieze
of the vicomagistri has its place among the his-
toric reliefs of antiquity: Its exalted forerunner
is the Parthenon frieze, and a close relation is
the Ara Pacis of Augustus.

From 1946 to 1970, the two reliefs were
displayed in the Gabinetto dell'Apoxyomenos;
since 1970, they have been in the Museo Gre-
goriano Profano.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. Magi, in G. Lippold, Die Skulpturen
des Vaticanischen Museums, III, 2, Berlin, 1956, pp. 505-12,
pis. 229-233; H. Kahler, Rom undseine Welt, Munich, 1958,
pi. 129; W Helbig, Fiihrer durch die offentlichen Sammlungen
klassischer Altertumer in Rom: Die PSpstlkhen Sammlungen
im Vatikan und Lateran, 1, 4th ed., Tubingen, 1963, no. 258;
R. Brilliant, Roman Art, London, 1974, p. 242, fig. IV 24.

211

212

131

STATUE OF SOPHOKLES

Roman copy (1st century a. d.), after a Greek bronze

of the 4th century b. c.
Marble

Height: overall, 80¥, 6 " (204 cm); head, 10" (25.5
cm)

Museo Gregoriano Profano, Inv. no. 9973

The statue was restored by the Roman sculp-
tor Pietro Tenerani. The feet and base, including
the scrinium (containing the scrolls) , and the right
hand were reconstructed in marble; repairs to
the face, however, are in plaster.

The statue was found in Terracina "among
the ruins of ancient Anxur ," probably a few years
before 1839, when it was given to Pope Gregory
XVI by the Antonelli family; an inscription on
the modern base commemorates the gift. The
pope used the need for an appropriate setting to
display the Sophokles as an incentive to found
a new museum for classical antiquities in the
Palazzo Lateranense.

The identification of this freestanding, self-
assured figure, who gazes into the distance — his
cloak drawn about his shoulders — is confirmed
by the inscribed portrait herm in the Sala delle
Muse of the Museo Pio-Clementino (Inv. no.
322). Both copies from Roman imperial times
are based on Greek originals in bronze. Two por-
traits of Sophokles are mentioned in classical
literature: one was erected by his son Iophon
after Sophokles' death at ninety, in 406 B.C.; the
other was placed, with those of Aischylos and
Euripides, in the Theater of Dionysos in Athens,
for the 1 10th Olympiad (between 340 and 336
b.c), at the behest of the statesman and orator
Lykourgos.

The fillet in his hair indicates Sophokles' priest-
ly office. He welcomed the god of physicians,
Asklepios, into his house when the Asklepios
cult first became popular in Athens. After
Sophokles' death, the Athenians honored him
as "Heros Dexion," calling him "theophiles"
("beloved of the gods") and "eudaimon"
("blessed one").

The impressiveness of the statue derives from
its broad, sure stance, open posture, and con-
trapposto composition: The weight of the body
rests on the right leg, while the left foot is
advanced. The contrast between the free and
engaged legs is clearly apparent through the
drapery, articulated by its flowing folds. The
oblique stance occasions a powerful torsion in
the body; it finds its counterpart in the contrast-
ing position of the arms, which the lines of the
cloak oppose and balance. The gestures of the
arms are crowned by the slightly raised head,
which is turned in the direction of the left foot.

The style of this statue of Sophokles is of the
time of the renovation and embellishment of
the Theater of Dionysos that was undertaken by
Lykourgos, about 330 b.c There is no doubt
that the sculpture is a faithful marble copy of
the bronze that was publicly set up some seventy-
five years after the poet's death. Sophokles is
commemorated in the way that he appeared be-
fore his people, the Athenians who saw his trag-

edies countless times in the grand theater where
they were first performed. In antiquity, some 123
dramas by Sophokles were known, only seven
of which survive.

Perhaps the greatest significance of the Sopho-
kles is that it is one of the few whole statues
preserved from the wealth of Greek portraits that
originated in the second half of the fifth century
b.c. and flourished into the first century b.c,
and one of the even smaller number whose sub-
ject is certain.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: O. Benndorf and R. Schone, Dieantiken
Bildwerke des Lateranischen Museums, Leipzig, 1867, pp.
153-59, no. 237, pi. 24; W Helbig, Ftihrer durch die
offentlkhen Sammlungen klassischer Altertumer in Rom: Die
Pdpstlichen Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, I, 4th ed.,
TUbingen, 1963, no. 1066; G. M. A. Richter, The Portraits
of the Greeks, I, London, 1965, p. 129, no. 2, figs. 675-677,
680; G. Daltrop, "II Reparto di Antichita Classiche," in
Bollettino dei Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, I, 3
(1959-74), 1979, p. 27, figs. 33-35.

132

PORTRAIT OF MARCUS AURELIUS

Rome, c. a.d.176
Marble

Height: overall, 29 W (75 cm); head, 12 Vie"
(31 cm)

Museo Gregoriano Profano, Inv. no. 10223

The portrait head has been placed on a bust
to which it does not belong. The right eye and
the hair above the left brow have been dam-
aged slightly. Parts of the nose and of the left ear
are restored. The face has been cleaned, slightly
affecting the surface.

The head was found in the vicinity of San
Giovanni in Laterano, during construction of the
convent near the Scala Santa. The bust, in the
form of a Greek philosopher wearing a hima-
tion (which leaves the right shoulder bare),
comes from the Vatican storerooms; the head
was added to the bust before the sculpture was
exhibited in the Museo Gregoriano Profano
Lateranense in 1853 (or 1859).

The subject of the head is definitely identifiable
as Emperor Marcus Aurelius on the basis of por-
traits of the emperor on coins and on historical
reliefs (such as those, in Rome, on the trium-
phal arch of a.d. 176 and on the column that
bears his name) . The style of the head is embod-
ied in the contrast between the mass of the hair,
which surrounds the face with rich shadows,
and the smooth modeling of the transparent,
lustrous surface of the face. The hair is set high
above the forehead in tight curls that extend
down into the thick, full beard that conceals the
mouth. Individual features have been general-
ized to suggest the inner, spiritual being of this
unusual man, who ruled the Roman Empire
guided by wisdom and goodness. The eyeballs,
which are given prominence under the raised
brows, are partly covered by the broad upper
lids. Drilled depressions have been used for de-
liberate effect, as in the pupils — ovoid in form —

which make the emperor appear to glance into
the distance.

Marcus Aurelius, a Spaniard, became emper-
or at the age of forty, in a.d. 161, and reigned for
nineteen years. He died in Vienna in a.d. 180,
defending the Empire against the dangers repre-
sented by the Marcomanni. The Senate and the
Roman people already had commissioned a tri-
umphal arch to commemorate his victory over
the Germans and the Sarmatians; its relief deco-
ration is preserved today in the Palazzo dei Con-
servatori. In iconographic details and style, the
emperor, on these historical reliefs, is so close to
the Museo Gregoriano Profano portrait that, un-
doubtedly, the same model was used for both —
one, presumably, made on the occasion of the
victory celebrations.

When Marcus Aurelius waged war in the
North to save the Roman Empire from the in-
roads of the Germans, he recorded his thoughts
in a diary, so that we have his own account of
his opinions and of his spiritual constitution.
He no longer expected external reward, and fame
had lost its glamour: "The time is near when
you will have forgotten everyone, when all will
have forgotten you" (VII, 21). This attitude could
well justify the nineteenth-century choice of a
philosopher's bust on which to place this portrait
head. Yet, the contrast between external and in-
ternal, between body and soul, for the first time
in the history of portraiture is made visible, here,
in the Portrait of Marcus Aurelius.

G.D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: O. Benndorf and R. Schone, Die antiken
Bildwerke des Lateranischen Museums, Leipzig, 1867, p. 10,
no. 15; M. Wegner, Die Herrscherbildnisse in antoninischer
Zeit, Berlin, 1939, pp. 33-46, 193-94; A. Giuliano, Catalogo
dei Ritratti Romani del Museo Profano Lateranense (Monu-
menti Vaticani di Archeologia e dArte, X), Vatican City,
1957, 57, no. 63, pi. 39; W. Helbig, Ftihrer durch die
offentlkhen Sammlungen klassischer Altertumer in Rom: Die
Pdpstlichen Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, I, 4th ed.,
Tubingen, 1963, no. 1095; A. R. Birley, Marcus Aurelius,
Boston, 1966.

213

133

PORTRAIT STATUE IN THE FORM OF
OMPHALE

Rome, c. a.d. 200
Marble

Height: overall, 71 "Ae" (182cm); base, 3 Vs" (8cm);

face (chin to hairline), 6 u As" (17 cm)
Museo Gregoriano Profano, Inv. no. 4385

The statue appears to be completely preserved,
although the nose, the left hand with the club,
the index finger of the right hand, and the right
leg have been restored; the lion skin is restored
on the left side of the head; and the feet, with a
portion of the plinth, have been set into a mod-
em base. The portrait head and the idealized
statue belong together and are unbroken. In this
uncommon degree of preservation lies the charm
of the sculpture.

The provenance of the statue is unknown. The
Gaetani are first mentioned as its owners, then

the Ruspoli and the Vitali, all noble Roman
families. The Omphale was acquired by the Vati-
can at the beginning of the nineteenth century,
and was given a place in the Braccio Nuovo.
From 1833 to 1970, it was in storage; since 1970,
it has been displayed in the Museo Gregoriano
Profano.

The female figure wears only a lion skin,
which hangs down her back, its forepaws knot-
ted across her breast, and the upper part of the
lion's skull covering her head. She holds a club
with her left hand (certainly accurately restored) .
Both attributes, the lion skin and the club, be-
long to Herakles. On Zeus' orders, Herakles was
forced to serve the Lydian queen Omphale, who
had him dress in women's clothing and spin
wool while she assumed his lion skin and cudgel.

This type of female figure is reminiscent of
the Aphrodite of Knidos by Praxiteles, from the
4th century B.C., a work frequently mentioned
and highly praised in ancient literature. The head,
however, is recognizably a portrait, with its indi-
vidual hairstyle and features. The coiffure, drilled
eyes, and modeling of the cheeks suggest that
the Omphale dates to sometime near the close of
the second century a.d. — stylistically, not much
later than the Bust of Commodus, in the Palazzo
dei Conservatori, which also bears the attributes
of Herakles.

In all probability, this sculpture served as a
funerary statue in a mausoleum. The deceased
woman wished to be remembered as having
been as beautiful as Venus and as strong as
Herakles, and had herself portrayed thus in her
apotheosis, in her life after death. At the same
time, however, the allusion to the love of
Herakles for Omphale in the portrait implies an
exchange of roles between man and wife. By
fusing portrait and symbol, the sculptor trans-
formed the immediacy of the individual into a
suprapersonal realm. Likeness and allegory
intermesh, creating a fertile field for future West-
em art. The statue reflects, as well, the conflict
in Roman art between the adoption of Classic
models and the desire for the heightened signifi-
cance of realistic portraiture. The Roman sculp-
tor utilized the form of the Greeks, but, at the
same time, he gave the Omphale a more specific
identity, an added dimension that he required.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. von Kaschnitz- Weinberg, Le Sculture
del Magazzino del Museo Vaticano, Vatican City, 1936-37,
pp. 295-96, no. 727, pi. 1 13; G. Becatti, Arte e gusto negli
scrittori latini, Florence, 1951, p. 491, pis. 64, 125;
J. Meischner, "Das Frauenportrat der Severerzeit," dis-
sertation, Berlin, 1964, p. 134, no. 26; R. Schluter, DieBild-
nisse der Kaiserin Mia Domna, dissertation, Miinster, 1971
(printed 1977), p. 157; on this type of representation, in
general: H. Wrede, Consecratio in formam deorum. Vergbtt-
lichte Privatpersonen in der romischen Kaiserzeit, Mainz, 1981.

214

MUSEO
PIO
CRISTIANO

The Palazzo Lateranense — the pope's residence
as Bishop of Rome — was converted into mu-
seums by Gregory XVI (1831-46): In 1844, he
founded the Museo Gregoriano Profano, and di-
rected that it be installed in the palazzo. His
successor, Pius IX (1846-78), chose the same
location for the installation of the Church's collection of Early
Christian sculpture. Pius's contribution to this museum's es-
tablishment has been recognized both in the museum's title
and by the fact that his portrait formerly stood at the en-
trance to the collection. Although the Museo Pio Cristiano
in the Palazzo Lateranense was closed in 1963, after Pope
John XXIII (1958-63) decided to locate the offices of the
Holy See of Rome in the palazzo, the bust of Pius IX was
installed in the foyer of the museum when it reopened in
1970 in its new building by the Passarelli brothers at the
Vatican. Pius IX' s portrait bust was made of cast iron, an
indication of his great faith in the modern technology of the
mid-nineteenth century.

Pius IX' s foresight in recognizing the usefulness of new
materials also extended to his fostering of the arts and of
literature, and to an intense desire to further scientific archaeo-
logical investigations of pagan and Christian antiquities in
Rome. The latter particularly enjoyed the pontiffs interest and
enthusiasm. In 1852, he established the Commissione di
Archaeologia Sacra with sufficient funds to initiate new inves-
tigations of many Christian sites. The opening of the Catacomb
of Callixtus for intensive research was especially important.
So pleased was the pope with the results that he celebrated
Mass there on November 22, 1861.

Pius IX's profound concern for the preservation of the
remains of the Early Christian Church in Rome contrasted
sharply with the attitude of one of his Renaissance
predecessors. Paul III (1534-49), for example, had the gold
objects from the tomb of Maria — wife of the Roman Emper-
or of the West, Honorius (395-423) — in Old Saint Peter's

melted down to help finance the construction of the new
basilica. Not long afterward (in 1578), however, the discov-
ery of the cemetery of Santa Priscilla in the Via Salaria Nuova
aroused great curiosity. Pope Gregory XIII (1572-85) recog-
nized its importance, and, according to contemporary reports,
the visitors to the site were deeply moved by thoughts of the
persecutions suffered by early members of the Church who
were buried there, and they were renewed in their faith.

The rediscovery of this catacomb and its effect on Chris-
tians of the sixteenth century are signs not only of a
reawakened interest in the history and archaeology of the
early Church, but also of a new religious outlook whose
foremost advocate was Saint Philip Neri (1515-1595), "the
apostle of Rome." This view was expressed in such images as
Tommaso Laureti's The Triumph of Religion, on the ceiling
of the Sala di Costantino in the Stanze of Raphael, in the
Papal Palace (fig. 42). The painting depicts an antique statue
of the god Mercury lying broken on the ground, at the base
of the triumphant cross of Christ. Even the famous sculpture
of the Laocoon, in the papal collections, was reinterpreted by
the artist El Greco in Christian terms.

Antique works of art that survived in Rome were also
Christianized in the aftermath of the Council of Trent
(1545-63). The famous columns of the Roman Emperors
Trajan and Marcus Aurelius were consecrated to Saint Peter
and Saint Paul, and statues of the saints were placed upon
the columns during the pontificate of Sixtus V (1585-90).
Newly discovered Christian art also was carefully preserved.
It was during this period that the three reliefs of the "Traditio
Legis" — illustrating events from the Gospels — which open
this catalogue (see no. 1), were discovered and assembled as
a single sarcophagus. In his discussion of four coins left to
Pope Clement VIII (1592-1605) in 1600, the writer Fulvius
Orsini viewed them as testimony to important events in Church
history rather than as significant examples of Late Roman
numismatics. In the Vatican, Christian monuments thus were

215

FIG. 42. TOMMASO LAURETI.
THE TRIUMPH OF RELIGION.
FRESCO. 1585.
SALA DI COSTANTINO

endowed with a documentary, apologetic value.

The first efforts to establish a museum of Early Christian
art at the Vatican began under Clement XI ( 1 700- 1 72 1 ) , but
it was not until the Museo Sacro was founded by Benedict
XIV (1740-58) in 1756, as part of the Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana, that they came to fruition. The statue of "The Good
Shepherd" (cat. no. 134) was deposited there the next year,
as well as other sculptures; because of the new museum's re-
stricted size, it became primarily a collection of smaller Christian
antiquities. The larger sculptures remained in the Museo Sacro
for nearly one hundred years before they were transferred
to the new Museo Pio Cristiano at the Palazzo Lateranense,
which was officially opened by Pius IX on November 8, 1854.

The statue of "The Good Shepherd" joined numerous
other sculptures of the third through the fifth century

a.d. that make up one section of the collection: primarily
sarcophagi. A very large group of inscription plaques makes
up the other section. The sarcophagi came from Early Chris-
tian churches and catacombs, the most impressive from the
excavations below Saint Peter's and San Paolo fuori le Mura;
in both places, noblemen and noblewomen of the fourth cen-
tury sought to be buried next to the graves of the princes of
the apostles. The sculpture was arranged according to sub-
ject rather than chronology at the Palazzo Lateranense, and
this system has been retained in the 1970 installation in the
Passarelli building at the Vatican. The only nineteenth-century
addition to the type of display occurred during the pontificate
of Pius XI, when plaster casts of important sculpture from
other collections were included, in order to present the visi-
tor with a sort of resume of Early Christian imagery.

216

The thousands of plaques with inscriptions dating from
the fifth to the sixth century in the Museo Pio Cristiano were
arranged by the noted scholar and curator Giovanni Battista
De Rossi in two categories: "inscriptiones sacrae" and "epi-
taphia selecta." The former includes inscriptions related to
churches, foundations, and martyria, and a separate group
of epigrams of Pope Damasus I (366-84) in honor of the
martyrs, which represents the classical phase of Early Chris-
tian art. The "epitaphia selecta" are made up of three types
of gravestones: those that are dated in their inscriptions, those
that are decorated with signs and symbols, and those for
which only the provenance is known.

These Early Christian antiquities are manifestations of
true faith. The stones proclaim the Gospels. De Rossi's enthu-
siasm for their role as witnesses to the Christian faith through

the ages is evidenced by the inaugural speech that he gave at
the opening of the Museo Pio Cristiano, in its Palazzo
Lateranense installation, in 1854: at the conclusion he
quoted Dante, "alle cose mortal! ando di sopra" (Divine
Comedy, "Paradise," XXXI, 36).

Georg Daltrop

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. B. De Rossi, "II Museo epigrafko cristiano Pio-Lateranense," in
Triplice Omaggio alia Santita di Papa Pio IX nel suo giubileo episcopak offerto dalle tre
Romane accademie, Rome, 1877, pp. 77-129, pis. I-XXIV; J. Ficker, Die altchristlichen
Bildwerke im christlichen Museum des Laterans, Leipzig, 1890; 0. Marucchi, Guida
del Museo Cristiano Pio Lateranense, Rome, 1898; idem, I monumenti del Museo Cristiano
Pio Lateranense, Milan, 1910; idem, Guida del Museo Lateranense Profano e Cristiano (Musei
e Gallerie Pontificie, IV), Rome, 1922, pp. 109-207; E. Josi, "Museo Pio Cristiano gia
Museo Lateranense Cristiano," in Enciclopedia dell'arte antica classica e orientate VII
1966, p. 1101.

217

218

134

"THE GOOD SHEPHERD"

Rome, late 3rd century a. d.
Marble

Height: as restored, 39 W (100 cm), as preserved,

21 %" (55 cm); head, 6 Vie" (15.5 cm)
Museo Pio Cristiano, Inv. no. 28590 (ex 103)

This statuette appears to be complete, but large
parts of it are restorations. These include the
entire lower portion up to the middle of the
thighs (together with the tree trunk that serves
as a support), both arms and the right hand, as
well as the back legs of the sheep. Repairs to the
face include the nose, the right brow with a por-
tion of the forehead, the upper and lower lips,
and the chin. Restored portions of the sheep
include the back of the head with the ears and
neck, a small part of the tail, and the portion of
the sheep along the neck of the shepherd, at the
back of the statuette. With the exception of the
restoration work on the reverse side, the an-
tique portion of the statuette seems to have been
so completely reworked that there is nothing to
disprove the assumption that this sculptural frag-
ment originally was part of a column, or even
of a relief. The upper surface of the hair is very
heavily damaged.

The provenance of the statuette is unknown.
J. Ficker (1890, p. 37) incorrectly maintains that
it was acquired from Agostino Mariotti in Rome
at the beginning of the nineteenth century, for
he refers to G. B. De Rossi (Bullettino di arche-
ologia cristiana, 5 [1887], pp. 136-42, and
Bullettino della commissione archeologica comunale
diRoma, 1889, pp. 131-39), who provides such
a provenance, although it is quite clearly only
for the second statuette of The Good Shepherd
(with staff added) in the same museum (J. Ficker,
1890, no. 105) . Both sculptures were first men-
tioned by E. Platner, C. Bunsen, E. Gerhard, and
W. Rostell {Beschreibung der Stadt Rom, II, 2,
Stuttgart, 1834, p. 330). They were placed at
the entrance to the Museo Sacro, in the Biblioteca
Apostolica Vaticana, beside the statue of Aelius
Aristides. A list from 1757 of restorations executed
by Bartolomeo Cavaceppi mentions The Good
Shepherd as being in the library. In 1854, the
statuette was moved to the Museo Pio Cristiano
in the Palazzo Lateranense, and, since 1963, it
has been in the Vatican Museums.

The shepherd is recognizable as such by his
dress. He wears the exomis, a short, belted gar-
ment that leaves his right shoulder bare. On his
left side hangs a sheepskin bag that is attached to
a long band that extends over his right shoulder.
He carries a sheep across his shoulders, holding
its feet in both his hands. He has a boyish
appearance, with no trace of a beard on his face.
Thick locks of hair cover his head and fall over
his ears, a few corkscrew curls cascading over
his shoulders.

The stylistic singularity of the sculpture lies
in the strong contrast between the boy's smooth
face and his deeply modeled hair, although one
must bear in mind the statuette's poor state of
preservation, in regard to both the considerable
restorations to the face and the abrasions to the
hair. There, the original, deep furrows still are
visible, having been drilled out into channels;
these serve to define the formal manner of the
work. Shallower indentations were made with
the drill, most obviously, in the representation
of the pupils. This style — with its unmistakable
tendency toward the ornamental — began and
developed in the time of the Emperor Gallienus
(253-68), shortly after the middle of the third
century a.d. Because of the deeply belted garment
that the figure wears, the impression of mass is
prevented from coming into play. The statue is
presented as if it were on a single plane. Despite
the efforts of the modern restorer to make the
sculpture appear freestanding by means of a com-
position suggestive of contrapposto, its effect re-
mains that of a portion of a relief.

The significance of the shepherd cannot be
deduced from the sculpture itself, inasmuch as
nothing is known of its origins or of the sur-
roundings in which it originally was displayed —
its architectural and iconographic contexts.
Nonetheless, repeated attempts have been made
to relate it to the familiar parables of the "Good
Shepherd" in the Scriptures (Matthew 18:12-14;
Luke 15:3-7; John 10:11-16), to Paul's Epistle
to the Hebrews (13:20), and to the First Epistle
of Peter (2:25; 5:4). Clement of Alexandria com-
mented on the symbolic aspect of the figure of
the shepherd as early as a.d. 200 (Protrepticus
11:116,1), claiming that God had always desired
to save (<xu>£eiv) the human flock: "Therefore,
the good Lord sent also the good shepherd."
From the point of view of the Church Fathers,

the shepherd can be construed in a sepulchral
context as the bearer of redemption and of salva-
tion (CTGOTtipta); one frequently sees his image
on sarcophagi of the second half of the third
century. Accordingly, the shepherd is not to be
understood as a representation of Christ, but as
the paradigm of the parable suggestive of deliv-
erance. Eusebius (Vita Constantini, 3, 49) gives a
concrete reference to an allegorical interpretation
of the subject. When cataloguing the buildings
erected by Constantine in the new capital, he
includes a descripton of a fountain in the agora
with a statue of the lovely shepherd that is famil-
iar to anyone who is well versed in the Scrip-
tures (t& tov Ka\ov iroi|Aevoq avjiBoXa).

Representations of shepherds in the form of
Kriophoroi are known from classical antiquity,
from as early as the beginning of the great age of
Greek sculpture in the seventh century b.c These
were votive gifts, representations of the worshiper
offering his sacrificial animal to the deity. Figures
of shepherds formed part of the repertory of bu-
colic themes in Classic-Hellenistic times. Rome
was to provide a mythological background for
the shepherd, for it was a shepherd, Faustulus,
who discovered Romulus and Remus. Under
Augustus, bucolic motifs came to symbolize the
peace that he had attained, so that the figure of
the shepherd assumed an allegorical significance.
The portrayal of the Emperor Philip the Arab
on the coin commemorating the millennial
celebration in a.d. 248 of the founding of Rome
has just such a metaphorical meaning. There, a
shepherd with seven sheep is pictured as their
savior. Toward the close of the third century a.d.,
when the Museo Pio Cristiano youth carrying a
sheep was created, non- Christians interpreted
the shepherd as a symbol of the vitafelix, while
those familiar with the Scriptures would have
recognized in the sculpture an allusion to the
"Good Shepherd." The creation of images of
shepherds was a tradition that ended — at the
latest — in the sixth century a.d. q d

BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. Ficker, Die altchristlichen Bildwerke im
christlichen Museum des Laterans, Leipzig, 1890, pp. 37-39,
no. 103; J. Wilpert, / sarcofagi cristiani antichi, I, Rome,
1929, pi. 52, 1; E. Josi and L. von Matt, Friichristlkhes
Rom, Zurich, 1961, pi. 2; N. Himmelmann, Uber Hirten-
Genrein derantiken Kunst, Opladen, 1980, pp. 158-59; G.
Morelli, in Bollettino dei Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie
II, 1981, p. 74 n. 70, p. 85, no. XXXV (restoration by
Cavaceppi).

219

135

SARCOPHAGUS, WITH RELIEFS OF THE
TYPE OF THE PASSION SARCOPHAGI

Rome, c.a.d. 360
Marble

Height, 26W (67cm); width, 81 W (207cm);

depth, 30¥i 6 "(77cm)
Museo Pio Cristiano, Inv. no. 28591 (ex 164)

The sarcophagus, with reliefs only on the front
side, lacks its lid. The reliefs are well preserved,
with the exception of the heads of the doves on
the cross. A smooth cut runs vertically through
the right-hand niche (through the figure of Job's
wife). The sarcophagus came from the hy-
pogaeum of the Confessio of San Paolo fuori le
Mura. It has been in the Museo Pio Cristiano
since 1854.

The relief frieze is divided into five sections
by six olive trees. The branches of these trees,
which intertwine along the top to form arches,
are filled with birds and their nests. In the cen-
ter is the monogram of Christ within a laurel
wreath ornamented with gems and ribbons.
Below it is a cross, on the arms of which are
two doves with outspread wings that pick at
the wreath (one of the dove' s heads has been
correctly restored, the other one is missing) . Two
soldiers are crouched below the cross: one of

them leans against his shield, asleep; the other
looks upward at the monogram. In the section
immediately to the left is Peter, being led away
by two soldiers; on the right side is Paul, whose
hands have been tied behind his back. A bailiff
is drawing his sword. Reedy plants in the back-
ground suggest that the scene is located in the
lowlands along the Tiber. On the far left, Abel
and Cain present gifts to God the Father; on the
far right is the seated, youthful Job, with his wife
and a friend standing in front of him. Job's wife
places her left hand on her chin in a gesture of
mourning.

The three-dimensional figures and the frame-
work of trees surrounding them clearly are set
apart from the background, which is at some
depth behind them. This is especially apparent
with regard to the cross and the monogram of
Christ, which appear to be freestanding. Thus,
these symbols not only occupy the center of the
frieze, but they also are further stressed by the
manner of their execution. On either side are
groups of figures in aedicula-like niches — like
actors on stage before the footlights — each niche
depicting a biblical event. The three-dimension-
ality of the figures is underscored particularly
by the execution of details: The irises and pupils
of the eyes are carefully rendered. A stylistic prox-
imity to the sarcophagus of Junius Bassus — a
work from about a.d. 359 — is unmistakable,
even though the level of quality of that work is
not attained here.

The meaning of this sarcophagus relief de-

rives from the symbol of the cross as crux invicta,
which occupies the center of the composition,
framed by Peter and Paul. The two apostles ex-
perience their martyrdoms, but the cross with
the laurel wreath, the symbol of victory over
death, is before them. The three-part grouping
of the monogram of Christ, Peter, and Paul is, in
turn, framed by two Old Testament scenes, each
of which is significant in terms of salvation. The
youthful Abel, who offers a sacrificial lamb, will
die at the hand of his brother — an allusion to
the sacrificial death of Christ. Job, in his suffering,
suggests unshakable faith in God's promise.

The cross with a laurel wreath as a symbol of
triumph was new in the representative art of
this time. It is a sign of victory, a tropaion, origi-
nally erected in classical antiquity on the spot
where the enemy was forced to turn and flee;
the captives at the foot of this tropaion are
Roman soldiers. Thus, it is not the suffering Jesus
who is evoked, but, rather, the savior who has
triumphed over death. With just such images,
the Christians of the fourth century a.d. created
their own pictorial vocabulary.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. Ficker, Die altchristlichen Bildwerke
im christlichen Museum des Laterans, Leipzig, 1890, pp.
109-10, no. 164; J. Wilpert, Isarcofagi cristiani antichi, I,
Rome, 1929, pp. 125, 164, pis. 142-143; F. W. Deichmann,
G. Bovini, and H. Brandenburg, Repertorium der christ-
lichantiken Sarkophage, I, Rom und Ostia, Wiesbaden,
1967, pp. 57-58, no. 61, pi. 19; H. Brandenburg, in
Romische Mitteilungen, 86, 1979, p. 465, pis. 150-151.

220

S EVERA.

INDE OVI
VA5

136

GRAVESTONE OF SEVERA

Rome, c. a.d. 330
Marble

Height, 12 9 A 6 " (32 cm); width, 40'/ 8 " (102 cm);

depth, 'Vie" (2.4 cm)
Museo Pio Cristiano, Inv. no. 28594

This rectangular marble slab, the present shape
of which is modern, comes from the Catacomb of

Priscilla. It is broken between the first and second
Wise Men. The slab has been cleaned, and the
red pigment of the incisions has been restored.

A portrait bust of Severa is depicted on the
left. Next to it is the inscription severa/in deo
vi/vas (Severa, may you live in God). The Ado-
ration of the Magi is represented at the right.
According to Matthew (2: 1-12), three Wise Men
in the East became aware of the birth of a king
in Judea and were directed to Bethlehem by
Herod's scribes. There, with the help of the star,
they came upon the Christ Child and his mother.
Mary sits in a wicker chair with a high back,
holding the Child on her lap. The three Wise

Men, with their Phrygian caps, are striding for-
ward to present their gifts to him. The prophet
Balaam (Bileam) stands behind the Mother of
God, pointing with his outstretched hand to the
star: "Orietur Stella ex Jacob" ("There shall come
a Star out of Jacob," Numbers 24:17).

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: O. Marucchi, / monumenti del Museo
Cristiano Pio Lateranense, Milan, 1910, p. 57, pi. LVII, 1;
J. Wilpert, Isarcofagi cristiani antichi, III, Rome, 1938, pp.
48-49, ill. 271; E. Kirschbaum, "Der Prophet Balaam und
die Anbetung der Weisen," in Romische Quartalschrift,
49, 1954, p. 129; E. Dinkier, in Age of Spirituality, New
York, 1979, p. 400, ill. 57.

221

137

GRAVESTONE FOR MOUSES AND
HIS WIFE

Rome, 3rd or 4th century a, D.
Marble

Height, 35 Vis" (89 cm); width, 46 Vte" (118 cm);

depth, 2 'Vie" (7.5 cm)
Museo Pio Cristiano, Inv. no. 28595

A portion of the left side of this gravestone —
which came from the Catacomb of Callixtus —
as well as its lower-right comer have broken
off from what was, originally, an elongated rec-
tangular slab. The inscription relates that Mouses
had this memorial erected for himself and his
wife while he was still alive. On one side, an
orant figure of a woman, who has pulled her
cloak up over her head and raised her arms in
the gesture of prayer, is depicted. The other side
shows a tree and, next to it, a sheep and a shep-
herd leaning on his staff. Representations of the
shepherd and of orant figures were popular in
this period, but now it is impossible to say just
what they might have signified in combination.
One thinks of the praying woman as represent-
ing piety (pietas) and the shepherd humanity
{humanitas).

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: 0. Marucchi, / monument! del Museo
Cristiano Pio Lateranense, Milan, 1910, p. 57, pi. LVII, 5;
A. Ferrua, Inscriptiones christianae urbis Romae, IV, Rome,
1964, no. 10659.

138

GRAVESTONE FOR THE BOY ASELLUS

Rome, late 4th century a. d.
Marble

Height, 7 l A" (18. 5 cm); width, 34 '/, 6 " (86. 5 cm);

depth, 1 V 4 " (3.2 cm)
Museo Pio Cristiano, Inv. no. 28596

This gravestone, which came from the Cata-
comb of Saint Hippolytus, is an elongated rec-
tangular slab, whose present shape is modern;
it has a vertical crack between the heads of

Saints Peter and Paul. It is inscribed asselv

BENEMBERE/NTI QVI VICXIT ANNV/SEX MESISOCTO

DiEs/xxiii (For the well- deserving Asellus, who
lived six years, eight months, and twenty- three
days). Next to the inscription are the heads of
Saints Peter and Paul, labeled as such and de-
picted full face. Undoubtedly, the apostles were
included in the hope that they would intercede
for and accompany the soul of the deceased into
paradise. The monogram of Christ appears be-
tween the two heads.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: O. Marucchi, I monumenti del Museo
Cristiano Pio Lateranense, Milan, 1910, p. 57, pi. LVII, 42;
A. Silvagni, Inscriptiones christianae urbis Romae, I Rome,
1922, no. 1513.

222

139

GRAVESTONE FOR THE TWENTY-YEAR-
OLD DATUS

Rome, 3rd or 4th century a.d.
Marble

Height, 11 'Vie" (30cm); width, 34 'A" (87cm); depth,

W (2.3 cm)
Museo Pio Cristiano, Inv. no. 28597

Although the tomb and mummy of Lazarus are
damaged, the figure of Christ is in better condi-
tion. The provenance of this gravestone — a rec-
tangular marble slab, whose present shape is

modern — is unknown, but it was formerly in
the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.

The inscription says that the parents of Datus
have erected this monument to their son, who
lived only twenty years, so that he might rest in
peace. Next to the inscription, the Raising of
Lazarus is depicted. Christ points with his staff
toward a tomb, in the aedicula of which is the
body of Lazarus — greatly reduced in size and
represented as a mummy. The scene signifies
that the young Datus, like Lazarus, can look
forward to being reawakened by Christ.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: O. Marucchi, / monumenti del Museo
Cristiano Pio Lateranense, Milan, 1910, p. 26, pi. XXXV, 5;
A. Silvagni, Inscriptiones christianae urbis Romae, I, Rome,
1922, no. 1587.

140

DATC*0jV0SA?AFEFrcS

GRAVESTONE DEPICTING JONAH

Rome, c. a.d. 300
Marble

Height, 16 %" (43 cm); width, 35 Vie"

(90cm); depth, "Ae" (1.8cm)
Museo Pio Cristiano, Inv. no. 28592 (ex 221)

This gravestone, from the Catacomb of Prae-
textatus, is a rectangular marble slab that has
been broken into six pieces; its surface is badly
damaged and partially pitted. The scene is in-
cised and the lines filled in with red pigment
that is now faded.

Typologically, the subject belongs to salvation
imagery. The style is simple and unsophisticated.
Jonah has been cast up onto land by the sea
serpent (kt|to£). Above the monster is a bird
(perhaps, a dove) . The story prefigures the Resur-
rection, as the Evangelist Matthew suggests
( 12 : 39-41 ) : the Son of Man will repeat the trial
of Jonah, which God will bring about as a
verification of Jesus. Just as Jonah was saved,
so will the deceased be. In this context, the dove
also may symbolize salvation. G D

BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. Ficker, Die altchristlichen Bildwerke
im christlichen Museum des Laterans, Leipzig, 1890, p. 165,
no. 221; O. Marucchi, / monumenti del Museo Cristiano
Pio Lateranense, Milan, 1910, p. 27, pi. XXXIX, 6.

223

k ■ - — — - »«^r'

A FUVSSATVR.N J NVS"
C ASSIEBARETR IABCIARISSIME

EEMI N ECON 1VCB EKEME

RENTI DFFOSTIOTEfflVKlO
EBKAKIAS

141

GRAVESTONE OF CASSIA FARETRIA

Rome, 3rd or 4th century a. d.

Plaster cast of an original marble in situ in the

Catacomb of Callixtus
Height, 14W (37.2 cm); width, 42 W (108cm);

depth, 1 'Vie" (5 cm)
Museo Pio Cristiano, Inv. no. 28593

The original of this rectangular Loculus slab
is in the Catacomb of Callixtus, not far from
the grave of Saint Eusebius (309). Its inscrip-
tion reads: aflivs satvrninvs / cassie earetriae

CLARISSIME / EEMINE CONIVGE BENEME / RENTI
DEPOSTIO TERTV NO / NAS E EBRARIAS (AeliUS Sat-

urninus graciously erected this memorial for
his wife Cassia Faretria, a woman of the sena-
torial class. She was buried here on February 3
[three days before the Nones of February]).
Below the inscription a dove is eating the fruit
of a tree. In the writings of Ambrosius (De Isaac

et anima, IV, 34), the dove symbolizes the human
soul. In such a context, the tree represents para-
dise and the dove a Christian soul entering
paradise and finding nourishment there.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: O. Marucchi, / monumenti del Museo
Cristiano Pio Lateranense, Milan, 1910, p. 55, pi. LV, 5; E.
Josi, // cimitero di Callisto, Rome, 1933, pp. 103-4; A. Ferrua,
Inscriptiones christianae urbis Romae, IV, Rome, 1964, no.
10879.

142

GRAVESTONE OF JUDAS

Rome, c. 2nd to 3rd century a.d.
White marble

Height, 9 Vie" (23 cm); width, 29 W (75 cm);

depth, 1 Vs" (3.5 cm)
Museo Pio Cristiano, Lapidario Ebraico ex

Lateranense, Inv. no. 17584 (ex 118)

This gravestone came from the Jewish Cata-

comb on the Via Portuense, on the edge of
the present-day Trastevere quarter of Rome,
outside the Porta Portese. The text, in Greek,
is enclosed by decorative elements still current
in Jewish funerary symbolism: the seven-
branched candelabrum, palmette, dove, and
flask. The top and bottom of the inscription
are surrounded by a continuous, incised line
that functions rather like a frame in the shape
of a tabula ansata. The simple inscription reads:

IOYAAI MHNQN Z EN0AAE KEITE (Judas, of

seven months, lies here). Thus, the gravestone
is that of a seven-month-old boy whose name
was quite common among the Jewish commu-

nities of the Roman Empire. The number of
months of the boy's life is indicated by an alpha-
betical numbering system: Z is the seventh let-
ter in the Greek alphabet. Among the symbols,
the dove and the palmette also occur frequendy
in Early Christian iconography. The use of Greek
on Jewish gravestones is usual, although inscrip-
tions in Hebrew are not rare either.

/. Di S. M.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. B. Frey, Corpus Inscriptionum Iudai-
carum, I, Vatican City, 1936, p. 272, n. 348.

224

143

GRAVESTONE OF FIRMIA VICTORA

Rome, 3rd century a. d.
Marble

Height, 12" (30.5 cm); width, 32 V 4 " (83.3 cm);

depth, 1 'A" (3.2 cm)
Museo Pio Cristiano, Inv. no. 28598

This rectangular marble slab, its edges slightly
damaged, came from the Coemeterium Jordano-
rum. The pigmentation that fills the incised lines
has been restored.

The epitaph reads: firmia • victora • qve
vixit annis/lxv (Firmia Victora, who lived sixty-
five years). Below the inscription are a ship on
the high seas and a four- story tower; on top of
the tower a fire blazes. In his De mortalitate (26) ,
Cyprianus of Carthage (beheaded in a.d. 258)
describes the death of a Christian as "navigare

in patriam. " The lighthouse suggests the harbor,
and the ship symbolizes the journey of the de-
ceased woman into the port of eternity, her
"fatherland."

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: 0. Marucchi, / monumenti del Museo
Cristiano Pio Lateranense, Milan, 1910, p. 58, pi. LVIII, 63;
G. Stuhlfauth, "Der Leuchtturm von Ostia," in Romische
Mitteilungen, 53, 1938, p. 152, ill. 6.

144

GRAVESTONE DEPICTING A
BLACKSMITH AT WORK

Rome, 3rd or 4th century a.d.
Marble

Height, 11 W (30 cm); width, 26 V 4 " (68 cm);

depth, 1 Vie" (3 cm)
Museo Pio Cristiano, Inv. no. 28599

This rectangular marble slab, with its smoothed
corners, came from the Catacomb of Domitilla.
A blacksmith's shop is suggested by the furnace,
behind which a man operates a bellows, and by
the anvil, on which the master smith hammers
the iron made malleable in the fire — thereby
refining, hardening, and giving the metal the
desired form. Presumably, this scene refers to
the vocation of the deceased, but, at the same
time, the representation may have a symbolic
significance, alluding to the words of Paul (see
I Corinthians 3:13-15), that the fire shall test

the worth of each man's work — on the day of
the Lord. In the First Epistle of Peter (1:7), the
apostle also illustrates the preservation of the
faith in times of trial by comparing it with metal
(gold) that is tested in the fire.

G. D.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: O. Marucchi, / monumenti del Museo
Cristiano Pio Lateranense, Milan, 1910, p. 58, pi. LIX, 33.

225

PONTIFICIO
MUSEO MISSIONARIO
ETNOLDGICO

In 1692, the missionary Fray Francisco Romero brought to
Rome wooden carvings from an Indian shrine in northern
Colombia. He presented them to Pope Innocent XII (1691-
1700) , who directed that they be housed in the Palazzo di
Propaganda Fide. These works (see cat. nos. 154, 155, 156;
fig. 43 ) formed the modest beginnings of the collection of
non-European ethnography and archaeology now found in
the Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico. They were in-
corporated into the collections of Cardinal Stefano Borgia
(1731 -1804) , Prefect of Propaganda Fide. After Borgia's death,
one part of his collection remained in the Vatican as the Museo
Borgiano di Propaganda. During the nineteenth century, the
Museo Borgiano's many new accessions came from mission-
aries throughout the world; notable among these objects were
a group of carvings (see cat. nos. 145, 146, 147) from the
Gambier Islands of Polynesia. A large "Esposizione Vaticana,"
held in 1887, included a number of objects that, at the
exhibition's close, also were added to the Museo Borgiano.

A new phase began for the museum in 1924 when Pope
Pius XI (1922-39) organized the "Esposizione Missionaria,"
extolling missionary endeavor throughout the non- Western
world. When the exhibition ended, the pope said: "The
Esposizione Missionaria ... is and will remain like a great, an
immense book; every object is a page, a phrase, a line in this
book — The Esposizione Missionaria will close, but the pre-
cious furnishings . . . will not disperse, they will remain as
the Museo Missionario, as a school, as a book, which is
always open." On November 12, 1926, the pope proclaimed
in the motu proprio "Quoniam tarn Praeclara" the formation,
title, purpose, and location of the new museum, the Pontificio
Museo Missionario-Etnologico. The museum was to be
housed in the Palazzo Lateranense, already the home of the
Museo Gregoriano Profano and the Museo Pio Cristiano, so
that "the dawn of faith among the infidel of today can be
compared to the dawn of faith which . . . illuminated pagan
Rome." Its direction was firmly set: the new institution was
not to be an art museum; rather, it was to be a didactic and
scientific museum at the service of the missions.

An organizing committee was formed, headed by the dis-
tinguished anthropologist Father Wilhelm Schmidt, founder
of the Anthropos Institut. In accordance with the directions
of Pius XI, Schmidt planned a tripartite arrangement of the
museum. The first area was to detail the history of mission-
ary work from the first to the twentieth century; the second
was to be devoted to contemporary mission work and would
include ethnographic material and illustrate Schmidt's theo-
ries of cultural development; the third was to focus on the
future of the missions. This plan was never realized; only the
second area, which Schmidt considered the most important,
came near to completion. The museum opened to the public
on December 21, 1927, the feast day of Saint Thomas, apos-
tle of the Indies. In 1938, Father Michele Schulien, who had
assisted Father Schmidt in the original planning, succeeded
him as director.

When Pope John XXIII (1958-63) decided to central-
ize the offices of the Roman diocese in the Palazzo Lateranense,
the museum had to be closed, and in February 1963 its con-
tents were moved to the Palazzo di San Callisto in Trastevere.
At the same time, the pope ordered the construction of two
new buildings in Vatican City to house the three museums of
the Palazzo Lateranense. This project was halted by Pope Paul
VI (1963-78), who, as a great patron of contemporary art,
wished to have a single building in a late-twentieth-century
idiom. In an open competition, the architects Vincenzo, Fausto,
and Lucio Passarelli were chosen to design the building.
Toward the end of the construction phase, in May 1965, the
plans were revised, and the exhibition space was increased
from 5,500 square yards (4,600 square meters) to 6,579 square
yards (5,500 square meters). Included in this space were three
large glassed-in areas for smaller objects and open areas for
larger and more important pieces.

In 1968, following the death of Father Schulien, Father
Jozef Penkowski was appointed director of the museum and
was charged with organizing the arrangement and installa-
tion of the new museum's collections. As was evident from
the outset forty years earlier, an attempt to create a museum

226

FIG. 43. SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS WORSHIPING IDOLS.
(STATUES OF FIVE OF THE OBJECTS DEPICTED HERE
ARE IN THE VATICAN COLLECTIONS.) WOODCUT
(FROM FRANCISCO ROMERO, LLANTO SAGRADO DE LA
AMERICA MERIDIONAL, QUE BUSCA ALIVIO, MILAN, 1693)

about the missions faced almost insuperable ideological and
practical problems. Moreover, by the 1960s the concept of
mission work had changed radically, especially following the
innovative ideas of the Second Vatican Council (1962-65).
The goal no longer was to Europeanize the Third World but,
instead, to establish foundations of Christianity in local cul-
tures. The position of the Church with respect to other re-
ligions had also changed, encouraging open dialogue rather
than confrontation. Promoting an understanding of other
religions, therefore, was considered essential. Accordingly,
Father Penkowski proposed the formation of a museum of
world religions that would show that man is by nature
religious. This proposal, accepted by Vatican officials, was
carried out under Penkowski's direction. The museum's main
galleries were opened to visitors in April 1973, and installa-
tion of the secondary collections as study- storage was com-
pleted in 1979. The entire holdings of the museum comprise
more than 61,000 objects, of which approximately 10,000
are from Africa, 10,000 from the Americas, 20,000 from
Asia, and 6,000 from Oceania; another 15,000 objects are
prehistoric.

The galleries are divided into twenty- five sections, each

of which is devoted to a country or cultural region of the
non- Western world. The material on display illustrates the
historical and ideological development of religions world-
wide. Every religion represented is based on the concept of a
supreme being, personal or impersonal, and, except in Chris-
tianity, never represented figurally. A supreme being is de-
picted in the museum's objects only when it is a composite
of dualistic elements, such as masculine and feminine, that
represent the being as the origin of life. Two major preoccu-
pations are evidenced by the objects: the cult of the dead and
the cult of ancestors, which in some cases involves an imme-
diate kinship group and in others encompasses an entire
community. Works relating to the world's higher religions
are exhibited in both geographic and chronological arrange-
ments, and a rich collection of indigenous Christian art from
Third World countries also is shown.

In spite of the transformations that the Pontificio Museo
Missionario-Etnologico has undergone since 1926, it has,
for the most part, been faithful to the ideals of Pope Pius XI.
The museum has retained its didactic and scientific character,
and it has remained a "school" that instills respect for all
religions, as well as a "book," each page of which reveals
man's eternal search for the divine.

Jozef Penkowski

BIBLIOGRAPHY : L'Esposizione Vaticana illustrata, II, 1887-88; H. de Ragnau, LExposition
Vatican, Valence, 1888, p. 107; Pius XI, ' Allocuzione del 10.1.1926," in Rivista illustrata
delta Esposizione Missionaria Vaticana, Supplemental, 1926, pp. 72-75; idem, "Quoniam
tamPraedara," inActaApostolicaeSedis, 28, 1926, pp. 478, 479; idem, "RerumEcclesiae,"
in Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 28, 1926, pp. 65-83; W. Schmidt, "Museo Missionario-
Etnologico," in Piccolaguida dei Musei Lateranensi, Rome, 1928, pp. 16-55; R Ercole,
"Dall'Esposizione Missionaria Vaticana al Museo Missionario-Etnologico del Laterano,"
in Annali Lateranensi, 1, 1937, pp. 9-12; TeRangi Hiroa, "Ethnology ofMangareva,"in
Bulletin, 157, Bernice R Bishop Museum, 1938, p. 520; R dalla Torre, "Le plastiche a
soggetto indigeno nordamericano del Pettrich nel Pontificio Museo Missionario-
Etnologico," in Annali Lateranensi, IV, 1940, pp. 9-96; H. Bischof, "Una Coleccion
Etnografica de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta (Colombia) — Siglo XVII," in Atti del
XL Congresso degli Americanisti, Rome, 1972, pp. 391-98; J. Penkowski, "Museo
Missionario-Etnologico," in Vaticana e Roma Cristiana, Vatican City, 1975, pp. 261-77;
idem, "II Museo Missionario-Etnologico," in Bollettino dei Monumenti Musei e Gallerie
Pontificie, 1, 1, 1977, pp. 193-97; "Trasferimento delle raccolte Lateranensi al Vaticano,"
in Bollettino dei Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, I, 1, 1977, pp. 15-32.

227

145

THE GOD TU

Polynesia (Gambier Islands, Mangareva Island)

Collected 1834-36

Wood

Height, 44 l h" (113 cm); maximum width, 11 "

(28 cm); depth, 9 Vie" (23 cm)
Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico, Inv. no.

AU2148

The figure of a sturdily built man, with dispro-
portionately small but firmly placed feet, is sup-
ported by four legs bent at the knees. The large
abdomen, with the navel indicated by a square;
the narrow chest; and the outstretched (now
missing) arms (Te Rangi Hiroa, 1938, fig. 66)
create the image of a strong man who is ready
for anything. The figure's bald head with its
conical cranium is a sign, perhaps, of artificial
head deformation. The delineation of the face
is harmonious: the almond-shaped eyes, un-
broken arch of eyebrow, and half-opened, mys-
teriously smiling mouth accurately give the
impression that this object portrays a truly im-
portant personage.

The sculpture, carved from a single piece
of wood, represents the god Tu. According
to mythology, Tu, the supreme god of Poly-
nesia, was the first-born son of Tagaroa and of
Haumea, a deified forefather. A famous warrior-
navigator, Tu became the god of war, except on
Mangareva Island, where he was worshiped as
the god of agriculture, responsible especially
for the cultivation of breadfruit and bananas.
Yet, even on Mangareva, Tu appeared in the
form of a thunderbolt or a comet — typical man-
ifestations of war gods.

Stylistically, the sculpture of Mangareva (see
also cat. no. 146) is very different from that of
the rest of Polynesia. The figures always have
bent knees; their arms, flexed ninety degrees at
the elbows, reach forward; their eyebrows form
a continuous curve; and their sexual organs, even
those of fertility gods, are not exaggerated.

This statue of the god Tu is unique. A number
of sculptures of this divinity exist, but only the
one shown here depicts him with four legs. There
is no explanation for this four-leggedness other
than the name Tu, meaning "that which stands"
— strong and unmoving, like the navigator of a
ship in the middle of a storm.

In April 1836, Father Francois Caret, the first
Catholic missionary on Mangareva, sent this and
several other Gambier Islands objects to the head-
quarters of the Order of Picpus Mission at Braine-
le-Comte, Belgium. The "N[o]. 1." on the torso
corresponds to Caret's list and notes. In 1837,
the statue was presented to Pope Gregory XVI
(1831-46), who had it placed in the Museo
Borgiano di Propaganda.

J. P.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Te Rangi Hiroa, "Ethnology of Manga-
reva," in Bulletin, 157, Bernice P. Bishop Museum,
1938, pp. 462, 464, fig. 66.

146

THE GOD ROGO

Polynesia (Gambier Islands, Mangareva Island?)

Collected 1834-36

Wood

Height, 35 Vie" (90 cm); maximum width, TVs"

(20 cm); depth, 5 Vs" (13 cm)
Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico, Inv. no.

AU913

A male figure stands on two thick legs bent at
the knees. The rounded, protruding abdomen
with its circular navel; the well-developed thorax;
the arms, held away from the body and flexed
at the elbows; and the head, with its conical
crown, convey a sense of well-proportioned
slimness. The face, dominated by a large nose;
the mouth, half- opened as if the figure were
about to speak; and the almond-shaped eyes,
with eyebrows in a single, smooth curve — all
testify to the skill of the object's Mangarevan (?)
sculptor and are reminiscent of the work of the
unknown maker who carved the statue of the
god Tu (see cat. no. 145). Only the fingers and
toes are coarsely and schematically indicated.

The statiie represents Rogo, sixth son of Taga-
roa and Haumea, the mythological first inhabi-
tants of Mangareva (Te Rangi Hiroa, 1938, pp.
420, 422). At first merely an ancestor, Rogo
became, with the passage of time, god of peace,
agriculture, and hospitality in all of Polynesia.
On Mangareva Island, deposed by Tu, he was
invoked especially in rites connected with the
cultivation of turmeric tubers. As god of hospital-
ity, he was considered protector of singer- poets,
who passed along tribal traditions through their
chants. Rogo revealed himself in the form of a
rainbow and as fog — typical manifestations of
agricultural gods.

The figure was sent by Father Francois Caret
to the headquarters of the Order of Picpus Mis-
sion at Braine-le-Comte, Belgium, in 1836. It
became the property of the Museo Borgiano di
Propaganda in 1837.

J. P.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Te Rangi Hiroa, "Ethnology of Manga-
reva," in Bulletin, 157, Bernice P. Bishop Museum,
1938, pp. 420, 422, fig. 62.

147

THE GOD TUPO

Polynesia (Gambier Islands, Akamaru Island)

Collected 1834-36

Wood

Height, 33 W (85 cm); maximum width, 11 l Vie"

(30 cm); depth, 2 Vs" (6 cm)
Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico, Inv. no.

AU2617

At first glance, this object might be taken for a
contemporary abstract sculpture. Two enor-
mously long arms extend upward from a cylin-
drical body that is adorned with two rings carved
in high relief. Each arm has three elliptical pro-
tuberances, which appear to be supports of some
sort. Only the legs — very short, slightly flexed
at the knees, with the feet barely indicated —
show that this sculpture is meant to represent a
human being, albeit an asexual and headless
one (Te Rangi Hiroa, 1938, fig. 60).

The object has a double significance. Accord-
ing to the notes of Father Hilarion, the sculp-
ture represents Tupo, a god who is associated
with the cultivation of tubers and who causes
chaos and disorder in the universe (Te Rangi
Hiroa, 1938, p. 465). Nothing precise is known
about this divinity. In Mangarevan mythology
there is frequent reference to a certain Tupa, who
introduced the cult of Tu to the island, but wheth-
er Tupo and Tupa are the same never has been
ascertained.

Father Francois Caret explained that this sculp-
ture was used for a rite called eketea, which was
part of every Mangarevan religious ceremony
and consisted of raising toward heaven strips of
bark cloth (tapa) on a wooden support, to in-
voke the divinity in whose honor the ceremony
was being held. The rite, the strips, and even
the wooden support were all called eketea. Bifur-
cated eketeas — this is one of two in existence —
were used only on Akamaru Island (H. Laval,
1938, pp. 335, 336). Judging from the specific
position of the legs, it is probable that this is a
Mangarevan work. Other elements of compari-
son are lacking.

The object was acquired, along with two oth-
ers illustrated here (see cat. nos. 145, 146),
between 1834 and 1836, and was number four
on Caret's list. It entered the Pontificio Museo
Missionario-Etnologico in 1925.

J. P.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. Laval, Mangareva, Paris, 1938, pp.
335, 336; Te Rangi Hiroa, "Ethnology of Mangareva," in
Bulletin, 157, Bernice R Bishop Museum, 1938, p. 465,
fig. 60.

148

CRUCIFIX

Zaire; Bakongo people
17th century
Bronze

Height, 15 W (40 cm); maximum width, 7 l h"
(19 cm)

Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico, Inv.
no. 9335

Although the cross is the primordial and es-
sential symbol of Christianity, this one seems
to lie outside that tradition. It was cast in a bronze
alloy in one piece using the "a ciel ouvert"
(open-mold) technique. On the flat surface of
the cross, whose edges are raised and cross-
hatched, the body of Christ is executed in high
relief. The image is that of an African Christ:
curly hair, broad nose, and protruding navel.
His outstretched arms, crossed feet, prominent
ribs, and loincloth tied in a knot on one side
reflect a European model. This is a Christ who
is not yet dead. His head is not bent, and his
chest has not been pierced. Below Christ, on
the upright of the cross, a naked woman covers
her breasts with one hand and her pudenda
with the other. Above Christ, on the arms of the
cross, two naked figures sit with their hands fold-
ed in prayer. A third and similar figure is on the
upper part of the upright.

What do the four nude figures that the artist
has added to the cross represent? The female
figure at the bottom is surely the Madonna.
Opinions are very diverse regarding the identi-
ties of the other three. The Trinity, three apostles,
souls of the dead saved by Christ and on their
way to heaven, relatives who mourn the dying
Christ — all are possible explanations but may not
be accurate (W. Hirschberg, 1980, pp. 50, 51).

At first, for Africans, too, the cross had a strict-
ly Christian significance. As the influence of the
missions diminished, however, the religious
meaning of the cross changed so radically that
it became a protective spirit called Nkangikiditu
("attached Christ"). The cross was invoked
especially injudicial cases — perhaps a tradition
left over from Christian judgment — but it also
was considered a symbol of the authority of the
tribal chief.

The cross was introduced to the Lower Congo
region by the first Portuguese missionaries in
the fifteenth century. By the sixteenth century,
crosses had begun to be manufactured in Africa.
Initially, these crosses imitated European ex-
amples, but over time they were transformed
into completely African works (W. Hirschberg,
1980, p. 51). This cross must have been made
toward the end of the seventeenth century, when
the missions had lost their influence and sty-
listic and ideological transformations became
resolved. It was collected by Redemptionist fa-
thers in the Lower Congo and sent from Brus-
sels to the Vatican in 1924 for the "Esposizione
Missionaria" in 1925.

Unpublished.

Comparative work cited: W. Hirschberg, "Bemerkungen
zu einem 'doppelgeschlechtlichen Korpus' aus dem alten
Kongoreich," in Christliches Afrika, Sankt Augustin, 1980,
pp..45-57.

149

MASK

Congo; Vili people

First quarter of the 20th century

Collected before 1924

Painted wood and leather

Height, 11 Wie" (30 cm); maximum width, 6 u /ie"

(17cm); depth, 4V 4 " (12 cm)
Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico, Inv.

no. AF 7978

People like to disguise themselves. Thus, masks
have figured in all epochs of human history,
among all social strata. This mask features a
well -constructed human face with a broad nose,
fully articulated ears painted white, an open
mouth with teeth in the upper jaw, a tongue
projecting over the lower lip, and a chin adorned
with a leather goatee. The entire mask, a typical
example of the moving realism of the cultural
area of the Lower Congo, is covered in a sym-
metrical and contrasting mosaic of white, red,
and black. Only the skull is devoid of any
adornment; it was covered — as evidenced by
the holes in it — by a hood that formed part of

the costume, completely concealing the person
wearing the mask.

Generally, in so-called primitive cultures,
masks were used for worship by secret societies
or in initiation rituals. The Museum fur Volk-
erkunde in West Berlin has an almost identi-
cal mask, collected in 1887 by Wilhelm Joest,
who annotated it as a "mask used by medicine
men to cure the sick" (K. Krieger and G. Kut-
scher, 1960, ills. 64-66) — that is to say, it was
employed by an individual in the practice of his
craft of healing.

This mask belonged to the Vili people, who
live on the Atlantic Coast between the Congo
and Niari rivers. Masks from this tribe are not
common in collections of African art. This one
must have been carved about the beginning of
the 1920s, as indicated by the manner in which
the goatee is attached and by the excellent state
of preservation. The latter leads one to believe
that it had not been used in any ceremonies.

Collected by an unknown missionary, this
mask was sent to the Vatican in 1924, to be in-
cluded in the "Esposizione Missionaria" in 1925.

J. P.

Unpublished.

Comparative work cited: K. Krieger and G. Kutscher,
Westafrikanische Masken, Berlin, 1960, ills. 64-66.

150

ANDROGYNOUS FIGURE (POMDO)

Guinea or Sierra Leone; Kissi people
18th century (?)
Collected before 1924
Stone

Height, 8 'A" (21 cm); maximum width,
2 9 A 6 " (6.5 cm); depth, 2 9 A 6 " (6.5 cm)

Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico,
Inv. no. AF 535/6

This very curious sculpture, carved in grayish
stone, represents a kneeling androgynous human
figure. Its bulging abdomen, accentuated by an
excessively protruding navel, is covered with
scarification lines. Its arms, flat against its body,
bent at right angles, and adorned with three
bracelets, support extremely long breasts that
appear to issue from the female figure 's neck —
ornamented with a necklace, yet crowned by
an oblique masculine head wearing typical Afri-
can headgear. The face gives the sculpture an
appearance of truly monstrous cruelty: it has a
mouth indented in a broad grin (the indentation
is artificially prolonged by scarification all the
way to the back of the head); a flat nose with
very wide nostrils; narrow, barely indicated eyes;
receding ears; and a broad, flat, semicircular
beard.

Originally, small statues of this kind were used
as tomb offerings by the Bullom people, but over
time the images developed into representations
of deified ancestors. Later, other peoples arrived
in the Guinea-Sierra Leone area, and the Mende

232

and Kissi tribes who unearthed these statues dur-
ing the cultivation of their crops radically altered
their religious significance and gave them a spe-
cial name. The Mende called them nomoli, and
the Kissi pomdo. From images of ancestors they
became the seats of spirits who provided protec-
tion against the theft of rice from the paddies,
ensured the fertility of land and of mankind (A.
Lommel, 1976, p. 214), and served as oracles.

These statuettes were produced between the
thirteenth and eighteenth centuries (K. Dittmer,
1967, p. 184). This one must date to the late
period because it unites both the early, so-called
grinning style — note the open mouth — and the
fertility image introduced later — the breasts sup-
ported by the arms.

This pomdo was collected before 1924 from
the Kissi people of Guinea or Sierra Leone. It is
a very rare example of its type, as Bullom statu-
ettes generally are masculine, not androgynous.

J. P.

Unpublished.

Comparative works cited: K. Dittmer, "Bedeutung, Datier-
ung und kulturhistorische Zusammenhange der 'prahis-
torischen' Steinfiguren aus Sierra Leone und Guinee," in
Baessler-Archiv, 15, 1967, pp. 183-238; A. Lommel,
Afrikanische Kunst, Munich, 1976, p. 214.

151

MAIDEN-SPIRIT MASK (AGBOGHO
MMWO)

Nigeria; Igbo people
19th-20th century
Collected before 1924
Painted wood

Height, 19 Vie" (49 cm); maximum width, 13 Vs"

(34 cm); depth, 7 Vie" (18 cm)
Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico, Inv. no.

AF804

This mask depicts the fine, delicate features of a
young Igbo woman. Her narrow, elongated face
is painted white, the color not only of the spirit
world but also of things that are considered beau-
tiful and good by the Igbo. The designs made
by scarification on the woman's forehead and
temples — symbols of beauty as well as of eth-
nic identity — show that she has been marked
by the values of her society. Her intricate coif-
fure of painstakingly plaited hair studded with
ornaments and combs is a further indication of
the admiration and respect due her. Masks such
as this one are in sharp contrast to other, dark-
colored Igbo masks with exaggerated, deformed,
or animalistic features.

Maiden-spirit masks are part of costumes that
consist of tight-fitting pants and shirts appliqued
with brilliantly colored pieces of cloth. Masked
dancers skillfully imitate the daily activities and
movement patterns of Igbo women. Despite their
feminine features, maiden-spirit masks are meant
to be worn by strong young men, members of
the mmwo, or "spirit," society whose function
is to appease and honor the spirits of the dead,
since it is they who intercede with the gods on
behalf of the living. If satisfied, the ancestors
bring good fortune, health, children, and pros-

perity to their descendants; if not, they bring
disaster. Among the northern Igbo, maiden-spirit
masks are worn at the most important celebra-
tion of the year, that of the harvest, and, later,
during the dry season, at the feast of the earth
goddess (J. S. Boston, 1960, p. 60).

Collected by missionaries, and brought to the
Vatican for the "Esposizione Missionaria" in

1925, this mask then became the property of
the Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico.

J. P.

Unpublished.

Comparative work cited: J. S. Boston, "Some Northern
Ibo Masquerades," in Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 61, 1960, pp. 54-65.

233

234

152

QUETZALCOATL

("THE PLUMED SERPENT")

Mexico; Aztec

Classic period (15th century)
Stone

Height, 20>/i 6 " (51 cm); maximum width, 10 'A"

(26 cm); depth, 10 'A" (26 cm)
Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico, Inv. no.

AM 3296

The Aztec word quetzalcoatl means "the plumed
serpent." This sculpture, executed in reddish
stone, represents a coiled serpent with an up-
right body entirely covered with feathers, in the
center of which appears an ear of Indian maize.
The almost aquiline head, with its large, sharp
eyes and forked, projecting tongue, gives the
sculpture an aura of mysterious horror appro-
priate to the Aztec pantheon.

This mythological reptile is the symbol of one
of the principal Aztec gods. It carries the same
name, and expresses the dualistic nature of this
god as the deity of wind and of fire and light.
As the god of wind, Quetzalcoatl is as fast as a
serpent (which, due to its smooth body, does
not know obstacles) yet flies like a bird and must,
therefore, be plumed. In this aspect, the deity
destroyed the world at the end of the second
mythological era — that of the "Four Winds" —
during which it had been the dominant god. As
the deity of fire and light, Quetzalcoatl is con-
nected with the planet Venus, the herald of dawn
and the carrier of civilization — represented by
the ear of Indian maize, which, in order to renew
itself, had need of frequent human sacrifice.

This sculpture, of exquisite quality and the
finest execution, came from the Mexican plateau.
It dates from the Classic period of Aztec art, but
nothing is known about the date of its discovery.
Formerly, it belonged to the Museo Borgiano di
Propaganda.

J. P.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Kunst der Mexikaner (exhib. cat.),
Kunsthaus, Zurich, 1959, p. 82, pi. 105.

153

MASK

Chile (Tierra del Fuego); Yaghan
Collected 1920-24
Painted bark

Height, 32 'A" (82 an); maximum width,

8Vs" (22 cm); depth, 3 'Vie" (10 cm)
Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico,

Inv.no. AM 3198/B

This mask is very simple — a piece of bark, dried
and painted white, with three holes: one for
the mouth, the other two for the eyes. The in-
ternal crossbars, added to keep the mask rigid,
are not original. Masks of this type, although
painted in different ways, were the only kind
used by the Yaghan, a tribe who lived in Tierra
del Fuego. Their masks were broadened at the
base in order to accommodate the head of the
wearer, and squeezed together at the top into a
conical shape. Judging from the position of the
holes for the mouth and the eyes, this one was
an exception in that the cone points downward
rather than up.

The Yaghan used masks of this type during
the Kina festival in the second initiation rites
(M. Gusinde, 1937, pp. 1328, 1329). All such
masks were cut out in practically the same
manner. Only the color of the mask changed, de-
pending upon which mythical being the maker
wished to depict. White masks were worn to
portray the spirit of the sea perch in the wasenim-
yaka (corbina-fish) dance and in the lepalus-yaka
(little-red-fish) dance (M. Gusinde, 1937, p. 1373).

The Yaghan tribe has become almost extinct,
and few of its masks are found in collections of
primitive art. This one once was part of the
private museum of Father Martin Gusinde of
Santiago, Chile. He gave the mask to the Ponti-
ficio Museo Missionario-Etnologico in 1927.

J. P.

Unpublished.

Comparative work cited: M. Gusinde, Die Yamana (Die
Feuerland Indianer, II), Modling, 1937, pp. 1328, 1329,
1373.

235

154

FIGURE OF A DIVINITY

Colombia (Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta);

Aruaco (?)
16th century (?)
Collected 1691
Painted wood

Height, 18 %" (48cm); maximum width, 6 Vie"

(16 cm); depth, 1W (5 cm)
Pontifkio Museo Missionario-Etnologico, Inv. no.

AM 2864/ A

This sculpture in the form of a human being is
carved from a plank of wood, with traces of
white paint that originally probably covered the
entire object. The body, which is not modeled,
is more a relief than a statue, although it is sup-
ported on a base (now almost completely de-
stroyed) carved with geometric decoration. The
Face of the sculpture is very strange. Two wide-
apen eyes surrounded by white circles stare from
beneath a tall hat with white stripes. A roughly
indicated nose and a mouth with a protruding
tongue turned upward complete the image. Two
semicircular scarifications appear on either side

236

of the mouth. The arms, each ornamented with
two bracelets, are raised and seem to support
the heavy hat. The chest of the figure is engraved
with a pectoral — made of blade -shaped seg-
ments (of mother-of-pearl?) — like those worn
today by the Amerinds.

This object displays an inexpert sculptural
hand. One need only examine the area of the
nose, mouth, and chin to realize how little
experience in sculpting its maker possessed. The
artist who created the mask illustrated in cata-
logue number 156 surely could not have made
this one, even if both objects were found in the
same sanctuary.

As there is no precise information concern-
ing the religious beliefs of the Amerinds in the
seventeenth century, one is forced to rely on re-
cent reports regarding the beliefs of the people
living today in the region in which the object
was collected. Thus, the figure must represent
the great mother Munkulu, about whom little
is known. Probably, Munkulu was a deified
ancestor connected with the cult of fire (K. T.
Preuss, 1926, pp. 77, 78, ill. 25). This sculpture
is unique. A careful study of the work would
perhaps shed light on the beliefs of the Am-
erinds at the time of the Spanish Conquest
(H. Bischof, 1972, p. 393).

Information on the history and provenance

of the statue appears in the catalogue entry for
number 156.

J. P.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: K.T. Preuss, Forschungsreise zu den
Kdgaba, Modling, 1926, pp. 77, 78, ill. 25; H. Bischof,
"Una Coleccidn Etnografica de la Sierra Nevada de Santa
Marta (Colombia)— Siglo XVII," in Atti del XL Congresso
degli Americanisti, II, Rome, 1972, p. 393.

155

SUPPORT

Colombia (Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta);

Aruaco (?)
16th century (?)
Collected 1691
Painted wood

Height, 6 Vie" (16 cm); maximum width, 13 Vs"

(34 cm); depth, 3 Vie" (7.8 cm)
Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico, Inv. no.

AM 3233

Carved in the shape of a feline, this wooden ob-
ject is incised with geometric designs and coat-
ed with white paint. The rectangular head is

joined to the body by a nearly square neck with
a reinforcement above it extending to the tail.
The body, with its two lateral apertures, was in-
tended as a support for some kind of sculpture,
which was inserted into a vertical slot in the
upper part of the object. The long tail, now
broken, served as a handle. The execution is
reminiscent of the wood figure seen in catalogue
number 154, and it is possible that the same
artist created both pieces.

The animal represented by the sculpture is
the puma, often shown with anthropomorphic
features. As a god of fire, he was venerated dur-
ing the drying out of the fields preparatory to
their cultivation.

Another support of this type is also in the
Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico (Inv.
no. AM 3232) and forms part of the group of
sculptures taken from a shrine at Sierra Nevada
de Santa Marta in 1691. For the history and
provenance of this object, see the entry for cat-
alogue number 156.

J. P.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: K.T. Preuss, Forschungsreise zu den
Kdgaba, Modling, 1926, pp. 77 ff.; H. Bischof, "Una
CoIecci6n Etnografica de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta
(Colombia)— Siglo XVII," in Atti del XL Congresso degli
Americanisti, II, Rome, 1972, pp. 391-98.

237

156

MASK

Colombia (Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta);

Aruaco (?)
16th century (?)
Collected 1691
Wood

Height, 7 Vie" (18 cm); maximum width, 5 Vs"

(15 cm); depth, 3 'Vie" (10 cm)
Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico, Inv. no.

AM 2864/ B

This realistic mask, with an aquiline nose and
a half-open mouth, depicts a tranquil human
face that originally may have had inlaid eyes.
The lower lip is broken, but the protruding

tongue remains visible. The knot in the right
cheek suggests the presence of a coca quid (H.
Bischof, 1972, p. 393). The mask must have
been surmounted by a crown (possibly of feath-
ers) since there are attachment holes along the
upper edge. Traces of a light cream color remain
on the entire surface of the mask, a well-propor-
tioned work of great refinement and detail, like
an actual death mask.

The mask represents the great-grandmother
Sun, venerated during the drying out of the fields
preparatory to their cultivation. Together with a
wooden figure and a wooden support (see cat.
nos. 154, 155) and two other pieces now in the
Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico, this
object was collected in July 1691 by Fray Fran-
cisco Romero when he destroyed a native sanc-
tuary in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta in
Colombia. Romero gathered from the sanctu-
ary a few examples of objects that he described

as "idols" and "instruments of idolatry."

In 1925, Marshall H. Saville (pp. 86, 105-
6, n. 115), relying on erroneous information
provided in 1885 by Giuseppe Angelo Colini
(pp. 316-25, 914-32), ascribed the sculptures
to ancient Mexico. Henning Bischof corrected
this view in 1972 and documented the prove-
nance of the sculptures, dating them to the six-
teenth century, or possibly earlier. They belonged
to Cardinal Stefano Borgia (1731-1804).

J. P.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. A. Colini, "Collezioni etnografiche
del Museo Borgiano," in Bollettino della Societa Geografica
Italiana, XIX, XXII, ser. II, X, Rome, 1885, pp. 316-25,
914-32; M. H. Saville, "The Wood-Carver's Art in An-
cient Mexico," in Contributions from the Museum of the
American Indian, Heye Foundation, IX, New York, 1925,
pp. 86, 105-6, n. 115; H. Bischof, "Una Coleccion Etno-
grafica de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta (Colombia)—
Siglo XVII," in Atti del XL Congresso degli Americanisti, II,
Rome, 1972, pp. 391-98.

157

HOOK (SAMBUN)

Papua New Guinea (East Sepik Province,

Kaminimbit village); latmul people
Collected before 1924
Painted wood

Height, 59 Vie" (150 cm); maximum width, 9 Vie"
(23 cm)

Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico, Inv. no.
AU1535

This wooden suspension hook, or sambun, is
carved and painted to depict a female being who
is part human and part bird. The head is adorned
with a conical crest pierced by three holes for
cane bands, from which the hook is meant to
hang. The oval face, its large, round eyes encir-
cled with ocher and white; the aquiline nose,
with a hollow space substituting for a septum
and nostrils elongated into crescents that become
circles around the eyes; and the delicate mouth,
also crescent shaped, make for an image of ex-
traordinary refinement. The neck of the figure
is at the same time the neck of a bird, probably
a white-bellied sea eagle. The bird's beak is joined
to the neck, and its head juts out beneath the
figure's face. The bird's wings form the arms of
the figure, and the upper part of the figure's chest,
engraved with zigzag lines, displays the bird's
feathers. The bosom, though flat, is painted and
carved to indicate the breasts. From the narrow
abdomen rises an enormous navel with scarifi-
cation circles. The legs, very thin and straight,
end in lunette shapes from which two hooks
protrude. The object is painted ocher and white
on the front and back.

A masterpiece of Melanesian sculpture in
terms of both religious content and artistic
execution, this sambun is a classic example of
the suspension hooks of the East Sepik region
of Papua New Guinea. The finesse of the fea-
tures and the proportions of the supernatural
being portrayed testify to the expertise and imagi-
nation of the artist, whose skill as a sculptor is
illustrated by the three half-moons — the ex-
tended nostrils, the small, fine mouth, and the
anchor-like base.

The object represents a female aquatic spirit,
Kamboragea, important to the success of fish-
ing — an economic activity essential to latmul
survival — and to the fertility of latmul women.
Because religious faith was closely related to daily
life in latmul society — as in all so-called primi-
tive societies — the hook, intended for general
use, also served as a ritualistic and, consequently,
a sacred object.

Father Franz Kirschbaum collected this sculp-
ture, adding it to a group of objects that were
given to the Vatican Museums in 1924 by the
missionaries Verbiti.

J. P.

Unpublished.

239

158

MASK

Papua New Guinea (East Sepik Province);

Kapriman or Kaningara people
Collected before 1932
Painted cane

Height, 27V 16 " (69 cm); maximum width, 11 %"

(30cm); depth, 27 9 A 6 " (70 cm)
Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico, Inv. no.

AU 22651 A

This mask is made of cane woven over a wood-
en frame, and represents a mythological animal.
It includes a number of Sepik-area stylistic
features — the crested head; the relatively small
ears; the large, round eyes; the long nose; and

the mouth, wide open as if about to devour
someone or something. All of these elements
give the object a terrifying aspect. To emphasize
the extraordinary, unearthly strangeness of the
being represented, the mask is painted black and
white — the colors of the supernatural and of
life, respectively. Such masks were kept in men's
ceremonial houses and were taken out only dur-
ing initiation rites to teach initiates the tradi-
tions of the tribe.

Father Franz Kirschbaum, in notes on his
collection, said that, although woven masks of
this type were made exclusively by the Kapriman
and Kaningara peoples, they were used as well
by neighboring tribes, who either traded for or
stole them.

Father Kirschbaum gave this mask to the Vati-
can Museums in 1932. j p

Unpublished.

159

CARVED BOARD (MAL U-SAMB UN)

Papua New Guinea (East Sepik Province,

Kaminimbit village)
Collected before 1924
Painted wood

Height, 50" (127cm); maximum width, 13 V 4 "
(35 cm)

Pontificio Museo Missionario-Etnologico, Inv. no.
AU2266/R

This board, carved with stone tools and per-
forated, at first seems to be a fanciful, random
design, difficult to interpret. It was originally
painted ocher and white, but the color has almost
completely disappeared from the front, the
uppermost part of which is dominated by a large
face in low relief. Enormous eyes surrounded
by white and dark circles occupy the major por-
tion of the face. A very narrow, long nose, now
broken away, once hid a tiny, barely delineated
mouth. As can be seen from traces on the
abdomen, the nose descended all the way to
the two diminutive, bird-shaped feet. On each
side of the neck is a small pig, and in the spaces
between the thin body and the edges of the slab
four large birds (perhaps eagles) are symmetri-
cally arranged — two facing up and two down.
Eight hooks extend upward from a panel on
the lowest section of the board, in the center of
which an owl-like face is carved. The back of
the board, though resembling the front, lacks
the nose and the bottommost area of the face,
and displays a large, open mouth and better-
preserved paint.

The female figure depicted here is probably
the aquatic spirit Kamboragea (see also cat. no.
157). However, some scholars have recognized
the figure as a depiction of the tree of life. Oth-
ers have seen it as an archetypal portrayal of a
cannibal, endowed with supernatural powers al-
though incorporating natural forms. If this last
interpretation is correct, the board must have
been used as a rack for human trophy skulls.

Father Franz Kirschbaum, who worked in
New Guinea for many years, says that slabs like
this one, which he calls ramu-tyamban, were used
as wall ornaments in homes and were highly
prized as wedding gifts. Passed from generation
to generation as family treasures, by the 1920s
objects of this sort were no longer being pro-
duced. According to Kirschbaum, the boards
were to be found in the territory between Tam-
banum and Parimbai along the Sepik River;
recent research indicates that they were carved
by the Sawos, a tribe living just north of the
Sepik, and were traded to inhabitants of the river
villages.

This example was sent to the "Esposizione
Missionaria" of 1925.

J. P.

Unpublished.

240

159 (front)

241

159 (back)

COLLEZIONE
D'ARJE RELIGIOSA
MODERNA

The collection of modern painting, sculpture, and
graphic arts installed in 1973 in the Vatican Mu-
seums is composed of the gifts of contemporary
artists and collectors. They are the most direct
proof of art's "prodigious capacity for expressing,
besides the human, the religious, the divine, the
Christian." With these words, spoken on June 23, 1973, Pope
Paul VI (1963-78) inaugurated the Vatican's newest collec-
tion, which now includes more than 500 works of art, signed
by 250 artists, on display in 55 rooms in the Papal Palace
(figs. 44, 45).

This event marked the end of an undertaking that began
in the Sistine Chapel on May 7, 1964, at a meeting with
artists requested by Paul VI. On that occasion the pope re-
called the long tradition of friendship between artists and the
Church, from which had arisen the artistic and spiritual patri-
mony that is mankind's universal heritage. The meeting place,
itself, was the most moving evidence of this statement. Over
the years this collaboration, said Pope Paul VI, seemed to
have been interrupted: the themes of religious art had be-
come tired repetitions of the past, and rules had been im-
posed on artists that did not leave room for free inventiveness.
A clarification had become necessary: "We must again be-
come allies. We must ask of you the possibilities which the
Lord has given you and therefore, within the limits of the
functionality and the finality which form a fraternal link be-
tween art and the worship of God, we must leave to your
voices the free and powerful chant of which you are capable."

The response to this open invitation formulated by Paul
VI for a rapprochement between the Church and art came
from artists, collectors, corporations (both private and public) ,
and various national committees, and was coordinated by
Monsignor Pasquale Macchi, the pope's private secretary.

The difficult task of arranging a new museum in the
limited space available in the interior of the Vatican palaces

was resolved by the Vatican's General Management of Tech-
nical Services, which restored a series of spaces previously
used as storage rooms and as living quarters, arranging the
rooms around the nucleus provided by the old residences of the
popes, from Nicholas III (1277-80) to Sixtus V (1585-90).

A selection of the works in this new collection com-
prised those previously given to the Holy See that had been
exhibited in the Contemporary Art Section of the Pinacoteca.
This section, inaugurated in 1960 during the papacy of John
XXIII (1958-63), was the result of an initiative approved by
Pius XII (1939-58) on December 28, 1956, and carried out

FIG. 44. ONE OF THE GALLERIES OF THE
COLLEZIONE D'ARTE RELIGIOSA MODERNA, SHOWING
THE BRONZE STATUE OF PAUL VI BY LELLO SCORZELLI (1965),
THE DEPOSITION BY FELICE CARENA (1938-39),
AND THE SUPPER AT EMMAUS BY PRIMO CONTI (1951)

242

FIG. 45. VIEW OF THE SALA DEI MISTERI, WITH SCULPTURES BY
LUCIO FONTANA, PERICLE FAZZINI, AND MARIO RUDELLI

by Monsignor Ennio Francia, the representative of the Unione
Messa degli Artisti, and by an advisory commission operat-
ing in both Italy and France. Works of the School of Pont-
Aven, given by Abbot Pierre Tuarze in 1963 and in 1966,
were added to the original nucleus.

The task that followed, the arrangement of the Collection,
was directed by Professor Dandolo Bellini, Honorary Inspec-
tor for Contemporary Religious Art. The undertaking was
made difficult by the spaces available and by the lack of works,
limiting, in part, the ability to apply chronological artistic
development as a criterion for the installation. The current
arrangement offers, by the express will of Paul VI, a pano-
rama of today's art in relation to its capacity to express reli-
gious sentiment.

Within the range of its purposes, above all documentary
in nature, the Collection established a program of exhibi-
tions and seminars in collaboration with those organizations
created in its preparatory phase. With the help of artists,
"Evangelization and Art" (1974), a review centered on the
theme of "The Face of Christ," was realized, as were the

exhibitions "Saint Paul in Contemporary Art" (1977) and
"Witness of the Spirit" (1979), both in homage to Paul VPs
eightieth year.

In collaboration with the Friends of American Art in
Religion, an active cultural association presided over by Ter-
ence Cardinal Cooke, Archbishop of New York, two semi-
nars and related exhibitions were organized on the themes
"The Influence of Spiritual Inspiration on American Art"
(1976) and "Craft, Art, and Religion" (1978). In 1980, a large
exhibition of American landscape art of the last one hundred
and fifty years, entitled "A Mirror of Creation," was held.

The Collection's acquisitions during the past few years
were exhibited to the public in 1980 in the Braccio di Carlo
Magno, a large space behind Bernini's colonnade adjoining
the basilica of Saint Peter's that has become the customary
site for exhibitions organized by the Vatican Museums. These
new works form a solid core of additions to the Collection
and contribute effectively to the reduction of its imbalances,
which are inevitable in a young museum.

Mario Ferrazza

243

160

ANDRE DERAIN (Chatou 1880-Paris 1954)
THE CHURCH AT CARRIERES-
SAINT-DENIS

1909

Oil on canvas

Height, 34 W (88 cm); width, 45 "/i 6 " (116 cm)
Signed, lower right

Collezione d'Arte Religiosa Moderna, Gift of D. P.,
Inv. no. ARM 23722

This painting marks Derain's rupture with Fau-
vism and the beginning of his Cubist experiment,
which, later, due to his temperament and culture,
he abandoned in order to reelaborate the themes
of the classical French tradition. During the sum-
mer of 1909, Derain stayed with Georges Braque
in Carrieres-Saint-Denis. Stimulated by the pres-
ence of his friend, who the previous year in
L'Estaque had created — along with Picasso — the
first Cubist landscapes, Derain painted with an
inspiration clearly derived from Paul Cezanne,
but with a geometric simplification of architec-

ture and a sobriety of palette, which he reduced
to dense green, slate gray, and ocher tones.

Previously designated by the title Chatou (it
appears thus in G. Hilaire, 1959), this work was
given its current name by Madame Derain, who
indicated that the painting had been done in
Carrieres-Saint-Denis (cf. the comment regard-
ing a picture of the same subject in D. Sutton,
Andre Derain, Cologne, 1960, ill. 23, p. 153).

M.F.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Hilaire, Derain, Geneva, 1959, pi. 80.

161

CARLO CARRA (Quargnento

[Alessandria] 1881-Milan 1966)
THE DAUGHTERS OF LOT

1940

Oil on canvas

Height, 31 1 / 2 " (80 cm); width, 23 W (60 cm)
Signed and dated, lower left
Collezione d 'Arte Religiosa Moderna, Gift of Franco
Marmont du Haut Champ, Inv. no. ARM 23713

Carra's third rendering of this theme was re-
planned during the years when his painting tend-
ed to shift in the direction of feeling and his
color assumed clearer tones without, however,
diluting his stylistic rigor and that restrained
emotion, that immanence of drama, which re-
main the central motifs of his art.

The theme, taken from the Bible, has been
known since the sixth century (see, for example,
the miniature of the Genesis in Vienna) , and was
discussed by medieval and Counter- Reformation
theologians, who held opposing opinions on the
morality of the behavior of the two women (and,
in general, of the women of Israel, who consid-
ered sterility the greatest shame) because they
wanted to "preserve seed of [their] father"
(Genesis 19:32). More explicit, in this regard, is
the position of Saint Jerome: "Liberorum magis
desiderio quam libidinis" ("More from desire
to have children than from lust").

This subject, previously treated by Altdorfer,
Guercino, Rubens, and Courbet, was first con-
fronted by Carra in 1919 after a metaphysical
experience. He kept within the ideas upheld by
Valoriplastici, Mario Broglio's review (which gave
its name to the artistic movement of the 1900s),
and he directed his search toward the recovery

244

245

of the Italian traditions of the Trecento and the
Quattrocento. Carra's second version, of 1925,
was destroyed by the artist in 1926. An engrav-
ing of it exists in the Scheiwiller Collection in
Milan, and it was published by G. Raimondi in
Disegni di Carrd (Milan, 1942).

M.E

BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. Torriano, Carra, Milan, 1942, color-
plate XXXIX; R. Longhi, Carra, 2nd ed., Milan, 1945, pi.
XXXI; M. Carra, Carra, tutta V opera pittorica, II, 1931-50,
Milan, 1968, p. 695, pis. 37-40, p. 381, colorplate; R
Bigongiari and M. Carra, L'opera completa di Carra (Classici
dell'Arte Rizzoli, 44), Milan, 1970, p. 103, ill. 317; G.
Mascherpa, V. Mariani, and G. Fallani, Collezione Vaticana
d'Arte Religiosa Moderna, Milan, 1974, p. 179, ill. 544; on
the subject: L. Reau, Iconographie de 1'art chretien, Paris,
1956, II, p. 115.

162

OTTO DIX (Untermhaus 1891-Singen 1969)
CHRIST AND VERONICA

1943

Oil on panel

Height, 31 %" (81 cm); width, 39 %" (100 cm)
Signed with a monogram and dated, lower right
Collezione d'Arte Religiosa Moderna, Gift of D. P.,
Inv. no. ARM 23723

This painting belongs to Dix's "Christlicher
Mystizismus" ("Christian Mysticism") period,
that is, to the years from 1940 to 1946 in which
the painter developed the themes of beauty and
sweetness. They were vaguely indicated in the
Mother and Child of 1932 and then more deci-
sively confronted, ten years later, in his images
of the Madonna in The Nativity of Christ and The
Rest on the Flight into Egypt, and in the small
angelic figure of Saint Veronica who wipes the
sweat of Christ on the Via Cruris.

The attenuation of the violence of the images
and the less corrosive drawing in works from this
period, when compared with Dix's previous art,
have resulted in some critics considering this
phase as one of lessened moral commitment by
the artist, who, on the contrary — with a differ-
ent style — kept unchanged his condemnation
of a society that observes from the sidelines the
unfolding of a tragedy.

The work is also known by the title The Bear-
ing of the Cross.

M.E

BIBLIOGRAPHY: O. Conzelmann, Otto Dix, Hanover, 1959,
pp. 55-56; F. Loftier, Otto Dix, Leben und Werk, Vienna
and Munich, 1967, p. 111.

246

163

GEORGES ROUAULT (Paris 1871-1958)
THE HOLY FACE (SAINTE FACE)

c. 1946

Oil on cardboard

Height, 20 l /s" (51 cm); width, 14 Vie" (37cm)
Signed, lower left

Collezione d 'Arte Religiosa Moderna, Gift of Isabelle
Rouault, Paris, Inv. no. ARM 23690 (ex 554)

Rouault's Christian feeling is revealed in its purest
and most powerful form in his explorations of the
Passion of Christ, a theme that symbolizes the
suffering of all humanity. The artist, once de-

scribed as "the only Christian who has realized
in his painting the drama of our times" (P.
Courthion, 1964), turned to this subject in 1912
(Hahnloser Collection in Winterthur), in 1933
(Musee National d'Art Modeme in Paris), and in
the 1950s — these last versions produced with
the full resources of his mature years.

The present work is, perhaps, the most mov-
ing example because of the intense plasticity of
the face and the insistence, on the part of the
painter, upon a subject matter that appears
charged with an inner luminosity all its own.
When the painting was adapted for a large tap-
estry (now in the church in Hem, France), the
richness of the impasto, an evocative device in
Rouault's art, proved difficult for the tapestry
weaver, J. Plasse-le-Caisne, to capture. He re-
called the process during a memorial service in

homage to Rouault at the Centre Catholique des
Intellectuels Francais in Paris, on May 19, 1958,
two months after the painter's death (cf. P.
Courthion, 1964, n. 451).

From 1937 on, Rouault virtually stopped dat-
ing his art, although he continued to collect
newspaper clippings about himself and his work.
These have provided Pierre Courthion, his friend,
with a rare form of documentation on which to
base his critical analyses of the artist.

M.F.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. Courthion, Rouault. La vita e I'opera,
Milan, 1964, pp. 252, 255, colorplate; idem, in Hommage
a Georges Rouault, Paris, 1971, pp. 66, 78, colorplate; W
George and G. Nouaille Rouault, L Univers de Rouault, Paris,
1971; N. Possenti Ghiglia, in Rouault, Ancona, 1977, p.
173; M. Ferrazza, "Reparto d'arte dell'ottocento e contem-
poranea: Allestimenti," in Bollettino dei Monumenti Musei e
Gallerie Pontificie, II, 1981, p. 151, ill. p. 152.

247

164

GRAHAM SUTHERLAND (London

1903-1980)
STUDY FOR THE CRUCIFIXION

1947

Oil on Masonite

Height, 40Vi 6 " (102 cm); width, 48Vi 6 " (122 cm)
Unsigned and undated

Collezione d'Arte Religiosa Moderna, Gift of Cardinal
Alberto diJorio, Inv. no. ARM 23591 (ex 443)

The present study is no less moving than the
Crucifixion of 1946, commissioned by Canon W.
Hussey in 1944 for the church of Saint Mat-
thew in Northampton, England (the same church
for which Henry Moore executed a serene
Madonna and Child, from 1943 to 1944).

As Giorgio Testori, the Italian art critic and
author, recounts, "When I asked him why, then,
he had chosen the theme of the 'Crucifixion' for
the large altarpiece in Northampton, rather than
the proposed theme of 'Christ in Gethsemane,'
Sutherland replied: 'Because it is the most trag-
ic of themes and, at the same time, the only one
which contains the promise of Salvation.' "

For Sutherland, this dual inspiration remained
constant, giving rise to successive interpretations
of the subject— that of 1947 (Evill Collection in
London) and the imposing altarpiece of 1960-61
(for Saint Aidan's Church in London) — images
of the martyred body of Christ of such tragic
solemnity, and rendered with such expressive
force, that they immediately recall related art of
the Cinquecento, as well as Matthias Griine-
wald's Isenheim Altarpiece.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: D. Cooper, The Work of Graham Suth-
erland, London, 1961; A. Henze, Das christliche Thema
in der modernen Malerei, Heidelberg, 1965, p. 59, pi. p.
213; F. Arcangeli, Graham Sutherland, Milan, 1973; G.
Mascherpa, V. Mariani, and G. Fallani, Collezione Vaticana
d'Arte Religiosa Moderna, Milan, 1974, p. 146, colorplate
77 p. 129; G. Testori, "Graham Sutherland. La dolcezza e
le spine," in Corriere delta Sera, Milan, February 17, 1981, p.3.

MARIO SIRONI (Sassari 1885-Milan 1961)
CHRIST AND THE SAMARITAN
WOMAN

1947-48
Oil on panel

Height, 22 Vie" (56cm); width, 27 9 /i 6 " (70cm)
Signed, lower right

Collezione d'Arte Religiosa Moderna, Gift of Cardinal
Alberto diJorio, Inv. no. ARM 23575 (ex 51)

The subject, from the Gospel of Saint John
(4:1-30), tells of Christ's meeting with the Sa-
maritan woman, near Jacob's well. The effec-
tive symbolism of the allegory, the living water
of Baptism — that is, Truth and Grace — is found
in Christian art from the first frescoes in the cata-
combs as well as in medieval and modern art,
its fixed iconography allowing only modest

M.F.

changes in the arrangement of the two figures:
they are seated at the edge of the well in the
Oriental tradition (more faithful to Saint John's
text), or arranged symmetrically at the sides of
the well in the Occidental tradition.

By emphasizing the light and almost obliter-
ating the pictorial image, the artist conveys the
gist of the conversation and the intimacy of the
meeting. Sironi's particular interpretation of the
story was an outgrowth of that natural religious
bent that, in the years following World War II,
succeeded in attenuating his dramatic vision.

M.E

BIBLIOGRAPHY: M. Valsecchi, Mario Sironi, Rome, 1962,
p. 121, pi. 65; G. Mascherpa, V. Mariani, and G. Fallani,
Colkzione Vaticana d'Arte Religiosa Moderna, Milan, 1974,
p. 185, colorplate 119; E. Camesasca and C. Gian Ferrari,
Mario Sironi, Scritti editi e inediti, Milan, 1980, p. 456.

166

BEN SHAHN (Kovno, Lithuania 1898-New

York 1969)
THIRD ALLEGORY

1955

Watercolor and tempera on paper, mounted on
Masonite

Height, 39 Vis" (99. 5 cm); width, 25 Vs" (64. 5 cm)
Signed, lower right

Collezione d 'Arte Religiosa Moderna, Gift of Mr.
and Mrs. H. Garfinkle, Miami, Inv. no. ARM
23570 (ex 366)

The Third Allegory is rich in the imagery that
recurs throughout Shahn's work, and, perhaps,
best illustrates the meaning of an allegory — the
recall of ancient events. The symbolism of man's
terror in front of the flames, embodied in the
chimerical beast that appears in the first version
of the work (of 1948), grew out of the artist's
deep emotion at the death of four black chil-
dren in a fire in Chicago. Shahn explored the
subject again, in 1953, in the Second Allegory,
where the terror suggests infernal fire; it is
reelaborated upon, here, in an absolutely per-
sonal and fanciful way.

More explicit in Shahn's work are the refer-
ences to the artist's early childhood spent in
Russian Lithuania, and his felicitous attachment
to Hebraic themes; these became inspirational
motifs for redesigning the letters of the alphabet
(a very fine version of which appears in the silk
screen Decalogue, of 1961) and for his series of
musicians with ancient instruments, illustrating
Psalm 150. The latter were preparatory draw-
ings for a mosaic mural for the Jewish commu-
nity of Rockville, Maryland, but the mural was
not executed due to the death of the artist. The
drawings were published posthumously in the
Hallelujah Suite (1969-70).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: M. Bentivoglio, Bert Shahn, Rome, 1963,
p. 62, colorplate 3; J. T. Soby, Ben Shahn, Milan, 1963,
pp. 141-42, pi. 152, p. 208; A. Del Guercio, Ben Shahn,
La forma e ilcontenuto; operescelte, Rome, 1964, colorplate;
B. Bryson Shahn, Ben Shahn, New York, n.d. (1972), pp.
233, 257, colorplate p. 261 (the caption that appears here
was erroneously switched with that of the work on p.
256); G. Mascherpa, V Mariani, and G. Fallani, Collezione
Vaticana d'Arte Religiosa Moderna, Milan, 1974, p. 171,
colorplate 102, p. 154.

249

167

HENRI MATISSE (Le Cateau-Cambresis

1869-Nice 1954)
THE TREE OF LIFE (L'ARBRE DE VIE)

1949

Cut and painted paper on cardboard
Height, 16 ' 9W (512 cm); width, 8 ' 2 W

(252 cm)
Unsigned

Collezione d'Arte ReligiosaModerna, Inv. no. ARM
23 757-23 758

This collage of papiers decoupes is the final, full-
size maquette for the stained-glass window in the
apse of the Chapel of the Rosary of the Domini-
can Sisters of Vence. Employing a technique that
he had experimented with already in his studies
for designs for the decorative arts, Matisse had
large sheets of paper prepared with only three
colors of gouache paint: lemon yellow, light
green, and ultramarine. From these, he cut out
a series of free-form floral motifs, which he
then assembled and pasted onto a separate sheet
of paper.

The chapel afforded the artist the opportunity
to realize "the creation of a religious space" (cf.
N. Calmels, 1975, p. 150). Not only did Matisse
conceive of the decoration, but he designed the
sacred furnishings and the architecture, as well.
At the consecration of the chapel, in 1951,
Matisse explained, "This work has taken me
four years of exclusive and assiduous work, and
it represents the result of my entire active life. I
consider it, in spite of its imperfections, to be
my masterpiece" (A. H. Barr, Jr., 1951, p. 287).

This maquette, along with the plans for the
stained-glass windows in the left aisle of the nave
and in the choir; the series of five silk chasubles
with liturgical motifs; and the designs and pre-
liminary studies for the Virgin and Child, in the
right aisle of the nave, are part of the Vatican
Collection. (The stained-glass windows in Vence
were executed by Paul Bony.) Together, they are
a unique statement of the strong commitment
of a great modern artist to religious art.

M.F.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. H. Barr, Jr., Matisse, His Art and His
Public, New York, 1951; G. Diehl, Henri Matisse, Paris, 1954;
H. Matisse, Chapelle du Rosaire des Dominicaines de Vence,
Vence, 1963 ed.; G. Marchiori, Matisse, Milan, n.d. (1965);
J. Lassaigne, Matisse, Ital. ed., Geneva, 1966; A. Verdet,
"Architecture et Decoration," in Hommaged Henri Matisse,
Paris, 1970, p. 74; G. Mascherpa, V. Mariani, and G.
Fallani, Collezione Vaticana d'Arte ReligiosaModerna, Milan,
1974; N. Calmels, Matisse: La Chapelle du Rosaire des Domini-
caines de Vence et de I'Espoir, Digne, 1975; J. Cowan, intro.
to Henri Matisse Paper Cut-Outs, New York, 1977.

168

GIACOMO MANZU (Bergamo 1908- )
ADOLESCENCE (PORTRAIT OF
FRANCESCA BLANC)

1940-41
Bronze

Height, 38 W (97cm); width, 15 W (40 cm);

depth, 22 %" (58 cm)
Signed, below the left foot
Collezione d'Arte Religiosa Moderna, Gift of Anita

Blanc, Rome, lnv. no. ARM 23319 (ex 557)

The female figure, instilled with an emotional
charge all Manzu's own, recurs throughout his
art. As the artist explained in a letter of Novem-
ber 12, 1979, to Monsignor Donato de Bonis,
Francesca "was a child of thirteen or fourteen. I
asked her mother to let me see her nude, and
she kindly allowed her to undress, and I saw
her as flowers are seen in the spring. A short
time later I returned to Rome and began the
portrait, which I think I finished in 1941, happy
to have made this flower without leaves, be-
cause the soul is nourished by the purity of child-
like beauty."

A first version of this subject, from 1940, is
now in the Raccolta Amici di Manzu in Ardea,
Italy. It was redesigned in the two models now
in the Pezzotta Collection in Bergamo (cf. L.
Bartolini, 1944, and C. L. Ragghianti, 1957, pis.
11, 29, respectively), and was elaborated upon
once again in this final version, presented at the
IV Quadriennale Nazionale d'Arte in Rome,
where it won the Grand Prize for sculpture
in 1943.

The image of Francesca continued to exercise
a strong influence on Manzu. In 1953, it was
the subject of a series of drawings exhibited in
Turin but later destroyed by the artist — except
for a few examples that had been "rashly given
as gifts" (Manzu, himself, recalls this).

M.R

BIBLIOGRAPHY: N. Bertocchi, Manzu, Milan, 1943, pi.
30; M. Venturoli, Viaggio intomo alia Quadriennale, Rome,
1943, p. 53, pi. p. 61; L. Bartolini, Manzu, Rovereto, 1944,
p. 21, pi. 13; A. Pacchioni, G. Manzu, Milan, 1948, p. 19,
pi. 35; E. Huttinger, Giacomo Manzu, Amriswil, Switzerland,

1956, p. 8, pi. 7; C. L. Ragghianti, Giacomo Manzii, Milan,

1957, p. 23, pi. 36; M. Carra, 1 maestri della scultura, Giacomo
Manzu, Milan, 1966, colorplate IV (erroneously given as
Collection Pio Manzu); M. De Micheli, Giacomo Manzu,
Milan, 1971, p. 16, colorplate 26; M. Ferrazza, "Reparto
d'arte dell'ottocento e contemporanea: Allestimenti," in
Bollettino dei Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, II, 1981,
pp. 151-52, ill. p. 155.

SAINT PETER

AND HIS
SUCCESSORS

This list of popes and antipopes is derived from one compiled by
A. Mercati in 1947 under the auspices of the Vatican, though
some changes have been made on the basis of recent scholarship
and the list has been brought up to date. The dates of each pope's
reign follow his name; for popes after the end of the Great Schism
(1378-1417), family names are given as well. The names of anti-
popes are enclosed in brackets, while alternative numberings of
papal names appear in parentheses.

SAINT PETER (67)
SAINT LINUS (67-76)
SAINT ANACLETUS (CLETUS) (76-88)
SAINT CLEMENT I (88-97)
SAINT EVARISTUS (97-105)
SAINT ALEXANDER I (105-15)

SAINT SIXTUS I (115-25)
SAINT TELESPHORUS (125-36)
SAINT HYGINUS (136-40)

SAINT PIUS I (140-55)
SAINT ANICETUS (155-66)
SAINT SOTER (166-75)
SAINT ELEUTHERIUS (175-89)

SAINT VICTOR I (189-99)
SAINT ZEPHYRINUS (199-217)
SAINT CALLISTUS I (217-22)
[SAINT HIPPOLYTUS (217-35)]

SAINT URBAN I (222-30)
SAINT PONTIANUS (230-35)
SAINT ANTERUS (235-36)
SAINT FABIAN (236-50)
SAINT CORNELIUS (251-53)
[NOVATIAN (251)]
SAINT LUCIUS I (253-54)
SAINT STEPHEN I (254-57)
SAINT SIXTUS II (257-58)
SAINT DIONYSIUS (259-68)

SAINT FELIX I (269-74)
SAINT EUTYCHIAN (275-83)
SAINT GAIUS (CAIUS) (283-96)
SAINT MARCELLINUS (296-304)
SAINT MARCELLUS I (308-9)
SAINT EUSEBIUS (309)
SAINT MILTIADES (311-14)
SAINT SILVESTER I (314-35)
SAINT MARK (336)
SAINT JULIUS I (337-52)

LIBERIUS (352-66)
[FELIX II (355-65)]
SAINT DAMASUS I (366-84)
[URSINUS (366-67)]
SAINT SIRICIUS (384-99)
SAINT ANASTASIUS I (399-401)
SAINT INNOCENT I (401-17)

SAINT ZOSIMUS (417-18)
SAINT BONIFACE I (418-22)

[EULALIUS (418-19)]
SAINT CELESTINE I (422-32)
SAINT SIXTUS III (432-40)
SAINT LEO I (440-61)
SAINT HILARY (461-68)
SAINT SIMPLICIUS (468-83)
SAINT FELIX III (II) (483-92)
SAINT GELASIUS I (492-96)
ANASTASIUS II (496-98)
SAINT SYMMACHUS (498-514)
[LAWRENCE (498; 501-5)]
SAINT HORMISDAS (514-23)

SAINT JOHN I (523-26)
SAINT FELIX IV (III) (526-30)
BONIFACE II (530-32)
[DIOSCORUS (530)]
JOHN II (533-35)
SAINT AGAPITUS I (535-36)
SAINT SILVERIUS (536-37)
VIGILIUS (537-55)
PELAGIUS I (556-61)

JOHN III (561-74)
BENEDICT I (575-79)
PELAGIUS II (579-90)
SAINT GREGORY I (590-604)
SABINIAN (604-6)
BONIFACE III (607)
SAINT BONIFACE IV (608-15)

252

SAINT DEUSDEDIT I (615-18)
BONIFACE V (619-25)
HONORIUS I (625-38)
SEVERINUS (640)
JOHN IV (640-42)
THEODORE I (642-49)
SAINT MARTIN I (649-55)
SAINT EUGENE I (654-57)
SAINT VITALIAN (657-72)
DEUSDEDIT II (672-76)

DONUS (676-78)
SAINT AGATHO (678-81)
SAINT LEO "II (682-83)
SAINT BENEDICT II (684-85)
JOHN V (685-86)
CONON (686-87)
[THEODORE (687)]
[PASCHAL (687)]
SAINT SERGIUS I (687-701)
JOHN VI (701-5)
JOHN VII (705-7)
SISINNIUS (708)
CONSTANTINE (708-15)
SAINT GREGORY II (715-31)
SAINT GREGORY III (731-41)
SAINT ZACHARY (741-52)

STEPHEN (752)
STEPHEN II (III) (752-57)

SAINT PAUL I (757-67)
[CONSTANTINE (767-69)]

[PHILIP (768)]
STEPHEN in (IV) (768-72)

ADRIAN I (772-95)
SAINT LEO III (795-816)
STEPHEN IV (V) (816-17)
SAINT PASCHAL I (817-24)
EUGENE II (824-27)
VALENTINE (827)
GREGORY IV (827-44)
[JOHN (844)]
SERGIUS II (844-47)
SAINT LEO IV (847-55)
BENEDICT III (855-58)
[ANASTASIUS (855)]
SAINT NICHOLAS I (858-67)
ADRIAN II (867-72)
JOHN VIII (872-82)
MARINUS I (882-84)
SAINT ADRIAN III (884-85)
STEPHEN V (VI) (885-91)
FORMOSUS (891-96)
BONIFACE VI (896)
STEPHEN VI (VII) (896-97)
ROMANUS (897)
THEODORE II (897)
JOHN IX (898-900)
BENEDICT IV (900-903)

LEO V (903)
[CHRISTOPHER (903-4)]

SERGIUS III (904-11)
ANASTASIUS III (911-13)
LANDO (913-14)
JOHN X (914-28)
LEO VI (928)
STEPHEN VII (VIII) (928-31)
JOHN XI (931-35)
LEO VII (936-39)
STEPHEN VIII (IX) (939-42)
MARINUS II (942-46)
AGAPETUS II (946-55)
JOHN XII (955-64)
LEO VIII (963-65)
BENEDICT V (964-66)

JOHN XIII (965-72)
BENEDICT VI (973-74)
[BONIFACE VII (974; 984-85)]
BENEDICT VII (974-83)
JOHN XIV (983-84)
JOHN XV (985-96)
GREGORY V (996-99)
[JOHN XVI (997-98)]
SILVESTER II (999-1003)
JOHN XVII (1003)
JOHN XVIII (1004-9)
SERGIUS IV (1009-12)
BENEDICT VIII (1012-24)
[GREGORY (1012)]
JOHN XIX (1024-32)
BENEDICT IX (1032-44)
SILVESTER III (1045)
BENEDICT IX (1045)
GREGORY VI (1045-46)
CLEMENT II (1046-47)
BENEDICT IX (1047-48)

DAMASUS II (1048)
SAINT LEO IX (1049-54)

VICTOR II (1055-57)
STEPHEN IX (X) (1057-58)
[BENEDICT X (1058-59)]
NICHOLAS II (1059-61)
ALEXANDER II (1061-73)
[HONORIUS II (1061-72)]
SAINT GREGORY VII (1073-85)
[CLEMENT III (1080; 1084-1100)]
BLESSED VICTOR III (1086-87)
BLESSED URBAN II (1088-99)
PASCHAL II (1099-1118)
[THEODORIC (1100)]
[ALBERT (1102)]
[SILVESTER IV (1105-11)]

GELASIUS II (1118-19)
[GREGORY VIII (1118-21)]
CALLISTUS II (1119-24)
HONORIUS II (1124-30)

253

[CELESTINE II (1124)]
INNOCENT II (1130-43)
[ANACLETUS II (1130-38)]
[VICTOR IV (1138)]
CELESTINE II (1143-44)
LUCIUS II (1144-45)
BLESSED EUGENE III (1145-53)
ANASTASIUS IV (1153-54)

ADRIAN IV (1154-59)
ALEXANDER III (1159-81)
[VICTOR IV (1159-64)]
[PASCHAL III (1164-68)]
[CALLISTUS III (1168-78)]
[INNOCENT III (1179-80)]
LUCIUS III (1181-85)
URBAN III (1185-87)
GREGORY VIII (1187)
CLEMENT III (1187-91)
CELESTINE III (1191-98)
INNOCENT III (1198-1216)
HONORIUS III (1216-27)
GREGORY IX (1227-41)

CELESTINE IV (1241)
INNOCENT IV (1243-54)
ALEXANDER IV (1254-61)
URBAN IV (1261-64)
CLEMENT IV (1265-68)
BLESSED GREGORY X (1271; 1272-76)
BLESSED INNOCENT V (1276)
ADRIAN V (1276)
JOHN XXI (1276-77)
NICHOLAS III (1277-80)

MARTIN IV (1281-85)
HONORIUS IV (1285-87)
NICHOLAS IV (1288-92)
SAINT CELESTINE V (1294)
BONIFACE VIII (1294; 1295-1303)
BLESSED BENEDICT XI (1303-4)
CLEMENT V (1305-14)
JOHN XXII (1316-34)
[NICHOLAS V (1328-30)]
BENEDICT XII (1335-42)
CLEMENT VI (1342-52)
INNOCENT VI (1352-62)
BLESSED URBAN V (1362-70)
GREGORY XI (1370; 1371-78)
URBAN VI (1378-89)
BONIFACE IX (1389-1404)
INNOCENT VII (1404-6)
GREGORY XII (1406-15)
[CLEMENT VII (1378-94)]
[BENEDICT XIII (1394-1423)]
[ALEXANDER V (1409-10)]
[JOHN XXIII (1410-15)]
MARTIN V (COLONNA, 1417-31)
EUGENE IV (CONDULMER, 1431-47)
[FELIX V (1439; 1440-49)]

NICHOLAS V (PARENTUCELLI, 1447-55)
CALLISTUS III (BORGIA, 1455-58)
PIUS II (PICCOLOMINI, 1458-64)
PAUL II (BARBO, 1464-71)
SIXTUS IV (DELLA ROVERE, 1471-84)

INNOCENT VIII (CIBO, 1484-92)
ALEXANDER VI (BORGIA, 1492-1503)
PIUS III (TODESCHINI-PICCOLOMINI, 1503)
JULIUS II (DELLA ROVERE, 1503-13)
LEO X (MEDICI, 1513-21)
ADRIAN VI (FLORENSZ, 1522-23)
CLEMENT VII (MEDICI, 1523-34)
PAUL III (FARNESE, 1534-49)
JULIUS III (CIOCCHI DEL MONTE, 1550-55)
MARCELLUS II (CERVINI, 1555)

PAUL IV (CARAFA, 1555-59)
PIUS IV (MEDICI, 1559; 1560-65)
SAINT PIUS V (GHISLIERI, 1566-72)
GREGORY XIII (BONCOMPAGNI, 1572-85)
SIXTUS V (PERETTI, 1585-90)
URBAN VII (CASTAGNA, 1590)
GREGORY XIV (SFONDRATI, 1590-91)
INNOCENT IX (FACCHINETTI, 1591)
CLEMENT VIII (ALDOBRANDINI, 1592-1605)
LEO XI (MEDICI, 1605)
PAUL V (BORGHESE, 1605-21)
GREGORY XV (LUDOVISI, 1621-23)
URBAN VIII (BARBERINI, 1623-44)
INNOCENT X (PAMPHILI, 1644-55)
ALEXANDER VII (CHIGI, 1655-67)
CLEMENT IX (ROSPIGLIOSI, 1667-69)
CLEMENT X (ALTIERI, 1670-76)
BLESSED INNOCENT XI (ODESCALCHI, 1676-89)
ALEXANDER VIII (OTTOBONI, 1689-91)
INNOCENT XII (PIGNATELLI, 1691-1700)
CLEMENT XI (ALBANI, 1700-1721)
INNOCENT XIII (CONTI, 1721-24)
BENEDICT XIII (ORSINI, 1724-30)
CLEMENT XII (CORSINI, 1730-40)
BENEDICT XIV (LAMBERTINI, 1740-58)
CLEMENT XIII (REZZONICO, 1758-69)
CLEMENT XIV (GANGANELLI, 1769-74)
PIUS VI (BRASCHI, 1775-99)
PIUS VII (CHIARAMONTI, 1800-1823)
LEO XII (DELLA GENGA, 1823-29)
PIUS VIII (CASTIGLIONI, 1829-30)
GREGORY XVI (CAPPELLARI, 1831-46)
PIUS IX (MASTAI-FERRETTI, 1846-78)
LEO XIII (PECCI, 1878-1903)
SAINT PIUS X (SARTO, 1903-14)
BENEDICT XV (DELLA CHIESA, 1914-22)
PIUS XI (RATTI, 1922-39)
PIUS XII (PACELLI, 1939-58)
JOHN XXIII (RONCALLI, 1958-63)
PAUL VI (MONTINI, 1963-78)
JOHN PAUL I (LUCIANI, 1978)
JOHN PAUL II (WOJTYLA, 1978- )

254

CONTRIBUTORS
TO THE
CATALOGUE

R. S. B. ROBERT S. BIANCHI

Associate Curator, Department of Egyptian and
Classical Art, The Brooklyn Museum, Brooklyn,
New York

B. D. B. BARBARA DRAKE BOEHM

Senior Administrative Assistant, Department of
Medieval Art, The Metropolitan Museum of
Art, New York

D. V. B. DIETRICH von BOTHMER

Chairman, Department of Greek and Roman
Art, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New
York

K. R. B. KATHARINE REYNOLDS BROWN

Senior Research Associate, Department of
Medieval Art, The Metropolitan Museum of
Art, New York

G.D. GEORGDALTROP

Curator of Classical Antiquities, Monumenti
Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, Vatican City

J. D. D. JAMES DAVID DRAPER

Associate Curator, Department of European
Sculpture and Decorative Arts, The Metropoli-
tan Museum of Art, New York

D. MACK. E. DAVID MACKINNON EBITZ

Assistant Professor, Department of the History
of Art, University of Maine, Orono

M. F. MARIO FERRAZZA

Curator of Contemporary Art, Monumenti
Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, Vatican City

E. F. ENNIO FRANCIA

Monsignor, Canon, Capitolo di San Pietro in
Vaticano, Vatican City

A. F. ALFRED FRAZER

Professor, Department of Art History and
Archaeology, Columbia University, New York

M. E. F. MARGARET ENGLISH FRAZER

Curator, Department of Medieval Art, The Met-
ropolitan Museum of Art, New York

C. G-M. CARMEN GOMEZ-MORENO

Curator, Department of Medieval Art, The Met-
ropolitan Museum of Art, New York

C. T. L. CHARLES T. LITTLE

Associate Curator, Department of Medieval Art,
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

F. M. FABRIZIO MANCINELLI

Curator of Byzantine, Medieval, and Modern
Art, Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie,
Vatican City

I. Di S. M. IVAN Di STEFANO MANZELLA

Assistant Professor, University of Rome

G. M. GIOVANNI MORELLO

Curator, Musei Sacro and Profano, Biblio-
teca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City

J. P. JOZEF PENKOWSKI

Reverend, Curator of the Ethnological Collec-
tions, Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie,
Vatican City

CP. CARLO PIETRANGELI

Director General, Monumenti Musei e Gallerie
Pontificie, Vatican City

O. R. OLGA RAGGIO

Chairman, Department of European Sculpture
and Decorative Arts, The Metropolitan Mu-
seum of Art, New York

F. R. FRANCESCO RONCALLI

Professor of Archaeology, University of Perugia,
and former Curator of Etruscan Antiquities,
Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, Vati-
can City

C. S. CHRISTIAN STURTEWAGEN, S. J.

Professor of Biblical Studies, Pontificio Istituto
Biblico, Rome

W. D. W. WILLIAM D. WIXOM

Chairman, Department of Medieval Art and
The Cloisters, The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York

G. Z. GIUSEPPE ZANDER

Architect, Director, Ufficio Tecnico, Reverenda
Fabbrica di San Pietro in Vaticano, Vatican City

255

PHOTOGRAPH CREDITS

All color photographs, including those for the frontispiece and the
cover/jacket, were provided by Scala, Istituto Editoriale, Florence,
with the exception of the following: entries 1, 6, 9, 22, 23, 24, 33:
Saskia Ltd., Littleton, Colorado; 2 B: Reverenda Fabbrica di San
Pietro, Vatican City; 9, 34, 35, 37, 38, 39, 41, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49,
50, 52, 53: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Archivio Fotografico,
Vatican City; 101: Musei Vaticani, Archivio Fotografico, Vatican
City; figures 18, 26: Editorial Photocolor Archives, Inc., New York.

All black-and-white photographs were provided by Scala, Istituto
Editoriale, Florence, with the exception of the following: entries
10: Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro, Vatican City; 11, 92: Musei
Vaticani, Archivio Fotografico, Vatican City; 12: The Metropolitan
Museum of Art Photograph Studio, New York; 36, 40 (detail), 42,
43, 44, 45, 46, 51, 123: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Archivio
Fotografico, Vatican City; figures 1, 4, 9, 10, 11, 20, 21, 28, 29, 35, 36,
38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45: Musei Vaticani, Archivio Fotografico,
Vatican City; 2: Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam; 3: The British Library,
London; 5: Biblioteca Comunale, Fermo; 6: Foto Oscar Savio,
Rome; 7: Nationalmuseum, Stockholm; 8: Photo L. Ionesco, Realties,
Paris; 12, 27, 30, 31, 32, 33: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Archivio
Fotografico, Vatican City; 13: Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro,
Vatican City; 14, 22: The Metropolitan Museum of Art Photograph
Studio, New York; 15, 16, 17, 23, 25: Alinari, Florence; 19:
Warburg Institute, London; 34: Musee National de Ceramique,
Sevres; 37: Anderson, Rome.

Composition by U.S. Lithograph, Inc., New York

Printed and bound by The Arts Publisher, Inc.,
Richmond and New York

11.10.16

The Vatican Collections: The Papacy and Art

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